Friday, July 8, 2011

SC declares Salwa Judum movement to fight Maoist violence illegal

Salwa Judum movement to fight Maoist violence is considered as illegal by the Hon'ble Supreme Court by a 
division bench of Justices B Sudarshan Reddy and S S Nijjar and directed the State government to recall all the arms given to SPOs, and made it clear it is unconstitutional.


Under Salwa Judum, the State government appoints private individuals as special police officers (SPOs) and give them arms to fight Naxals.The Raman Singh government had supplied arms to private individuals to protect themselves against the Maoist violence. 

The Full Judgment is as below:- 



                                                                        1


                IN THE SUPREME COURT OF INDIA 

             CIVIL ORIGINAL JURISDICTION 




       WRIT PETITION (CIVIL) NO. 250  OF 2007 






Nandini Sundar and Ors.                                ...Petitioners








Versus








State of Chattisgarh                                  ...Respondent










                         O  R  D  E  R






                                       I






      We, the people as a nation, constituted ourselves as a 


sovereign   democratic   republic   to   conduct   our   affairs   within 


the four corners of the Constitution, its goals and values. We 


expect the benefits of democratic participation to flow to us 


- all of us -, so that we can take our rightful place, in the 



                                                                             2






league   of   nations,   befitting   our   heritage   and   collective 


genius. Consequently, we must also bear the discipline, and 


the   rigour   of   constitutionalism,   the   essence   of   which   is 


accountability   of   power,   whereby   the   power   of   the   people 


vested in any organ of the State, and its agents, can only be 


used for promotion of constitutional values and vision. This 


case   represents   a   yawning   gap   between   the   promise   of 


principled   exercise   of   power   in   a   constitutional   democracy, 


and   the   reality   of   the   situation   in   Chattisgarh,   where   the 


Respondent,   the   State   of   Chattisgarh,   claims   that   it   has   a 


constitutional   sanction   to   perpetrate,   indefinitely,   a   regime 


of   gross   violation   of   human   rights   in   a   manner,   and   by 


adopting   the   same   modes,   as   done   by   Maoist/Naxalite 


extremists. The State of Chattisgarh also claims that it has 


the powers to arm, with guns, thousands of mostly illiterate 


or   barely   literate   young   men   of   the   tribal   tracts,   who   are 


appointed   as   temporary   police   officers,   with   little   or   no 


training, and even lesser clarity about the chain of command 


to control the activities of such a force, to fight the battles 


against alleged Maoist extremists.








2.    As we heard the instant matters before us, we could not 


      but help be reminded of the novella, "Heart of Darkness" 


      by   Joseph   Conrad,   who   perceived   darkness   at   three 


      levels:   (1)   the   darkness   of   the   forest,   representing   a 



                                                                                                     3






      struggle   for   life   and   the   sublime;   (ii)   the   darkness   of 


      colonial   expansion   for   resources;   and   finally   (iii)   the 


      darkness,   represented   by   inhumanity   and   evil,   to   which 


      individual human beings are capable of descending, when 


      supreme and unaccounted force is vested, rationalized by 


      a warped world view that parades itself as pragmatic and 


      inevitable,   in   each   individual   level   of   command.   Set 


      against   the   backdrop   of   resource   rich   darkness   of   the 


      African tropical forests, the brutal ivory trade sought to be 


      expanded by the imperialist-capitalist expansionary policy 


      of European powers, Joseph  Conrad describes  the  grisly, 


      and   the   macabre   states   of   mind   and   justifications 


      advanced   by   men,   who   secure   and   wield   force   without 


      reason,   sans   humanity,   and   any   sense   of   balance.   The 


      main   perpetrator   in   the   novella,   Kurtz,   breathes   his   last 


      with   the   words:   "The   horror!   The   horror!"1  Conrad 


      characterized the actual circumstances in Congo between 


      1890 and 1910, based on his personal experiences there, 


      as   "the   vilest   scramble   for   loot   that   ever   disfigured   the 


      history of human conscience." 2


3.    As   we   heard   more   and   more   about   the   situation   in 


      Chattisgarh,   and   the   justifications   being   sought   to   be 


      pressed upon us by the respondents, it began to become 


      clear to us that the respondents were envisioning modes 




1 Joseph Conrad - Heart of Darkness and Selected Short Fiction (Barnes and Noble Classics, 2003).


2 Joseph Conrad"Geography and Some Explorers", National Geography magazine, Vol 45, 1924.



                                                                            4






   of   state   action   that   would   seriously   undermine 


   constitutional   values.   This   may   cause   grievous   harm   to 


   national interests, particularly its goals of assuring human 


   dignity,   with   fraternity   amongst   groups,   and   the   nations 


   unity and integrity. Given humanity's collective experience 


   with unchecked  power, which becomes its own principle, 


   and   its   practice   its   own   raison   d'etre,   resulting   in   the 


   eventual dehumanization of all the people, the scouring of 


   the earth by the unquenchable thirst for natural resources 


   by imperialist powers, and the horrors of two World Wars, 


   modern constitutionalism posits that no wielder of power 


   should be allowed to claim the right to perpetrate state's 


   violence   against   any   one,   much   less   its   own   citizens, 


   unchecked by law, and notions of innate human dignity of 


   every   individual.   Through   the   course   of   these 


   proceedings,   as   a   hazy   picture   of   events   and 


   circumstances   in   some   districts   of   Chattisgarh   emerged, 


   we   could   not   but   arrive   at   the   conclusion   that   the 


   respondents   were   seeking   to   put   us   on   a   course   of 


   constitutional   actions   whereby   we   would   also   have   to 


   exclaim, at the end of it all: "the horror, the horror."


4. People   do   not   take   up   arms,   in   an   organized   fashion, 


   against   the   might   of   the   State,   or   against   fellow   human 


   beings without rhyme or reason. Guided by an instinct for 


   survival,   and   according   to   Thomas   Hobbes,   a   fear   of 



                                                                            5






lawlessness   that   is   encoded   in   our   collective   conscience, 


we seek an order. However, when that order comes with 


the price  of  dehumanization,  of manifest  injustices  of all 


forms   perpetrated   against   the   weak,   the   poor   and   the 


deprived,  people revolt. That large tracts of the State of 


Chattisgarh   have   been   affected   by   Maoist   activities   is 


widely   known.   It  has  also   been  widely   reported  that   the 


people living in those regions of Chattisgarh have suffered 


grievously,   on   account   of   both   the   Maoist   insurgency 


activities,   and   the   counter   insurgency   unleashed   by   the 


State. The situation in Chattisgarh is undoubtedly deeply 


distressing   to   any   reasonable   person.   What   was   doubly 


dismaying   to   us   was   the   repeated   insistence,   by   the 


respondents, that the only option for the State was to rule 


with   an   iron   fist,   establish   a   social   order   in   which   every 


person is to be treated as suspect, and any one speaking 


for human rights of citizens to be deemed as suspect, and 


a   Maoist.   In   this   bleak,   and   miasmic   world   view 


propounded   by   the   respondents   in   the   instant   case, 


historian   Ramchandra   Guha,   noted   academic   Nandini 


Sunder, civil society leader Swami Agnivesh, and a former 


and well reputed bureaucrat, E.A.S. Sarma, were all to be 


treated   as   Maoists,   or   supporters   of   Maoists.   We   must 


state   that   we   were   aghast   at   the   blindness   to 


constitutional limitations of the State of Chattisgarh, and 



                                                                             6






   some   of   its   advocates,   in   claiming   that   any   one   who 


   questions  the conditions   of inhumanity  that  are  rampant 


   in many parts of that state ought to necessarily be treated 


   as   Maoists,   or   their   sympathizers,   and   yet   in   the   same 


   breath also claim that it needs the constitutional sanction, 


   under   our   Constitution,   to   perpetrate   its   policies   of 


   ruthless   violence   against   the   people   of   Chattisgarh   to 


   establish a Constitutional order.


5. The   problem,   it   is   apparent   to   us,   and   would   be   so   to 


   most   reasonable   people,   cannot   be   the   people   of 


   Chattisgarh,   whose   human   rights   are   widely 


   acknowledged to being systemically, and on a vast scale, 


   being violated by the Maoists/Naxalites on one side, and 


   the State, and some of its agents, on the other. Nor is the 


   problem   with   those   well   meaning,   thoughtful   and 


   reasonable   people   who   question   those   conditions.   The 


   problem   rests   in   the   amoral   political   economy   that   the 


   State   endorses,   and   the   resultant   revolutionary   politics 


   that   it   necessarily   spawns.   In   a   recent   book   titled   "The 


   Dark Side of Globalization" it has been observed that:






      "[T]he   persistence   of   "Naxalism",   the   Maoist  


      revolutionary   politics,   in   India   after   over   six  


      decades   of   parliamentary   politics   is   a   visible  


      paradox   in   a   democratic   "socialist"   India....   India  


      has   come   into   the   twenty-first   century   with   a  


      decade of departure from the Nehruvian socialism  


      to   a   free-market,   rapidly   globalizing   economy,  



                                                                                                      7






         which has created new dynamics (and pockets) of  


         deprivation along with economic growth. Thus the  


         same   set   of   issues,   particularly   those   related   to  


         land,   continue   to   fuel   protest   politics,   violent  


         agitator politics, as well as armed rebellion.... Are  


         governments and political parties in India able to  


         grasp   the   socio-economic   dynamics   encouraging  


         these   politics   or   are   they   stuck   with   a   security-


         oriented approach that further fuels them?"3




6.    That violent agitator politics, and armed rebellion in many 


      pockets of India have intimate linkages to socio-economic 


      circumstances, endemic inequalities, and a corrupt social 


      and state order that preys on such inequalities has been 


      well   recognized.   In   fact   the   Union   of   India   has   been 


      repeatedly   warned   of   the   linkages.   In   a   recent   report 


      titled   "Development   Challenges   in   Extremist   Affected 


      Areas"4,   an   expert   group   constituted   by   the   Planning 


      Commission   of   India   makes   the   following   concluding 


      observations:






         "The   development   paradigm   pursued   since  


         independence   has   aggravated   the   prevailing  


         discontent among the marginalized sections of the  


         society....          The   development   paradigm   as  


         conceived   by   policy   makers   has   always  


         imposed   on   these   communities....   causing  


         irreparable   damage   to   these   sections.   The  


         benefits   of   this   paradigm   have   been  


         disproportionately cornered by the dominant  




3 Ajay K. Mehra "Maoism in a globalizing India" in "The Dark Side of Globalization" eds. Jorge Heine & 


Ramesh Thakur (United Nations University Press, 2011)


4 Report of an Expert Group to Planning Commission, Government of India (New Delhi, April, 2008)



                                                                             8






      sections   at   the   expense   of   the   poor,   who  


      have   borne   most   of   the   costs.   Development  


      which   is   insensitive   to   the   needs   of   these  


      communities             has         inevitably         caused  


      displacement   and   reduced   them   to   a   sub-


      human   existence.  In   the   case   of   tribes   in  


      particular   it   has   ended   up   in   destroying   their  


      social  organization,  cultural  identity  and  resource  


      base....   which   cumulatively   makes   them  


      increasingly   vulnerable   to   exploitation....  The  


      pattern          of         development           and         its  


      implementation   has   increased   corrupt  


      practices   of   a   rent   seeking   bureaucracy   and  


      rapacious   exploitation   by   the   contractors,  


      middlemen,   traders   and   the   greedy   sections  


      of the larger society intent on grabbing their  


      resources   and   violating   their   dignity."  [paras 


      1.18.1 and 1.18.2, emphasis supplied]




7. It   is   also   a   well   known   fact   that   Government   reports 


   understate, in staid prose, the actuality of circumstances. 


   That   an   expert   body   constituted   by   the   Planning 


   Commission of India, Government of India, uses the word 


   "rapacious",   connoting   predation   for   satisfaction   of 


   inordinate   greed,   and   subsistence   by   capture   of   living 


   prey, is revelatory of the degree of human suffering that 


   is being visited on vast sections of our fellow citizens. It 


   can   only   be   concluded   that   the   expert   body,   in 


   characterizing the state of existence of large numbers of 


   our   fellow   citizens,   in   large   tracts   of   India,   as   "sub-


   human," is clearly indicating that such an existence is not 


   merely on account of pre-existing conditions of significant 



                                                                         9






material   deprivation,   but   also   that   significant   facets   that 


are   essential   to   human   dignity   have   been   systematically 


denied   by   the   forces   and   mechanisms   of   the 


developmental paradigm unleashed by the State. Equally 


poignantly,   and   indeed   tragically   because   the   State   in 


India seems to repeatedly insist on paying scant attention 


to   such   advice,   the   Expert   Group   further   continues   and 


advises:






   "This   concludes   our   brief   review   of   various  


   disturbing   aspects   of   the   socio-economic   context  


   that   prevails   in   large   parts   of   India   today,   and  


   that may (and can) contribute to politics such as  


   that   of the Naxalite  movement  or  erupt  as   other  


   forms   of   violence.   It   should   be   recognized   that  


   there are different kinds of movements, and that  


   calling   and   treating   them   generally   as  


   unrest, a disruption of law and order, is little  


   more   than   a   rationale   for   suppressing   them  


   by   force.  It   is   necessary   to   contextualize   the  


   tensions in terms of social, economic and political  


   background   and   bring   back   on   the   agenda   the  


   issues of the people - the right to livelihood, the  


   right   to   life   and   a   dignified   and   honourable  


   existence.      The   State   itself   should   feel  


   committed   to   the   democratic   and   human  


   rights   and   humane   objectives   that   are  


   inscribed   in   the   Preamble,   the   Fundamental  


   Rights   and   Directive   Principles   of   the  


   Constitution. The State has to adhere strictly  


   to the Rule of Law. Indeed, the State has no  


   other   authority   to   rule....   It   is   critical   for   the  


   Government   to   recognize   that   dissent   or  


   expression   of   dissatisfaction   is   a   positive   feature  



                                                                          10






     of democracy, that unrest is often the only thing  


     that actually puts pressure on the government to  


     make things work and for the government to live  


     up   to   its   own   promises.   However,   the   right   to  


     protest,   even   peacefully,   is   often   not   recognized  


     by the authorities, and even non-violent agitations  


     are   met   with   severe   repression....  What   is  


     surprising   is   not   the   fact   of   unrest,   but   the  


     failure of the State to draw right conclusions  


     from   it.   While   the   official   policy   documents  


     recognize   that   there   is   a   direct   correlation  


     between   what   is   termed   as   extremism   and  


     poverty....   or   point   to   the   deep   relationship  


     between   tribals   and   forests,   or   that   the   tribals  


     suffer unduly from displacement, the governments  


     have   in   practice   treated   unrest   merely   as   a   law  


     and order problem. It is necessary to change this  


     mindset   and   bring   about   congruence   between  


     policy and implementation. There will be peace,  


     harmony and social progress only if there is  


     equity,   justice   and   dignity   for   everyone." 


     [paras 1.18.3 and 1.18.4, emphasis supplied]




8. Rather   than   heeding   such   advice,   which   echoes   the 


  wisdom   of   our   Constitution,   what   we   have   witnessed   in 


  the instant proceedings have been repeated assertions of 


  inevitability   of   muscular   and   violent   statecraft.   Such   an 


  approach,   informing   the   decisions   of   the   Government   of 


  Chattisgarh   with  respect   to  the  situations   in  Dantewada, 


  and its neighbouring districts, seemingly also blinds them 


  to the  fact that lawless  violence, in response  to violence 


  by the Maoist/Naxalite insurgency, has not, and will not, 


  solve   the   problems,   and   that   instead   it   will   only 



                                                                            11






  perpetuate the cycles of more violent, both intensive and 


  extensive, insurgency and counter-insurgency. The death 


  toll   revealed   by   the   Government   of   Chattisgarh   is   itself 


  indicative of this. The fact that the cycles of violence and 


  counter-violence  have  now  lasted  nearly  a decade  ought 


  to   lead   a   reasonable   person   to   conclude   that   the 


  prognosis given by the expert committee of the Planning 


  Commission to be correct.


9. The root cause of the problem, and hence its solution, lies 


  elsewhere.   The   culture   of   unrestrained   selfishness   and 


  greed spawned by modern neo-liberal economic ideology, 


  and   the   false   promises   of   ever   increasing   spirals   of 


  consumption   leading   to   economic   growth   that   will   lift 


  everyone,   under-gird   this   socially,   politically   and 


  economically   unsustainable   set   of   circumstances   in   vast 


  tracts of India in general, and Chattisgarh in particular. It 


  has been reported that:








     "Among   the   rapidly   growing   urban   middle   class,  


     the   corporate   world   is   in   a   hurry   to   expand   its  


     manufacturing capacity. That means more land for  


     manufacturing   and   trading.   The   peasants   and  


     tribals are the natural victims of acquisitions and  


     displacements.   The   expanded   mining   activities  


     encroach upon the forest domain.... Infrastructure  


     development   needs   more   steel,   cement   and  


     energy....   Lacking   public   sector   capacities,   the  


     income-poor   but   resource-rich   states   of   eastern  


     India   are   awarding   mining   and   land   rights   to  



                                                                             12






        Indian   and   multinational   companies....   Most   of  


        these   deposits   lie   in   territory   inhabited   by   poor  


        tribals   and   that   is   where   Naxals   operate.  


        Chattisgarh,  a state  of eastern  India,  has  23 per  


        cent   of   India's   iron   ore   deposits   and   abundant  


        coal.   It   has   signed   memoranda   of   understanding  


        and   other   agreements   worth   billions   with   Tata  


        Steel   and   ArcelorMittal,   De   Beers   Consolidated  


        Mines,   BHP   Billion   and   Rio   Tinto.   Other   states  


        inviting   big   business   and   FDI   have   made   similar  


        deals....   The   appearance   of   mining   crews,  


        construction   workers   and   truckers   in   the   forest  


        has seriously alarmed the tribals who have lived in  


        these regions from time immemorial."5




10.The   justification   often   advanced,   by   advocates   of   the 


    neo-liberal   development   paradigm,   as   historically 


    followed, or newly emerging, in a more rapacious form, in 


    India,   is   that   unless   development   occurs,   via   rapid   and 


    vast exploitation of natural  resources,  the country would 


    not   be   able   to   either   compete   on   the   global   scale,   nor 


    accumulate   the   wealth   necessary   to   tackle   endemic   and 


    seemingly   intractable   problems   of   poverty,   illiteracy, 


    hunger   and   squalor.   Whether   such   exploitation   is 


    occurring   in   a   manner   that   is   sustainable,   by   the 


    environment   and   the   existing   social   structures,   is   an   oft 


    debated topic, and yet hurriedly buried. Neither the policy 


    makers nor the elite in India, who turn a blind eye to the 


    gross   and   inhuman   suffering   of   the   displaced   and   the 


    dispossessed,   provide   any   credible   answers.   Worse   still, 


5 Ajay K. Mehra, supra note 1.



                                                                                                          13






    they   ignore   historical   evidence   which   indicates   that   a 


    development  paradigm  depending  largely  on the plunder 


    and   loot   of   the   natural   resources   more   often   than   not 


    leads to failure of the State; and that on its way to such a 


    fate,   countless   millions   would   have   been   condemned   to 


    lives of great misery and hopelessness.




11. The   more   responsible   thinkers   have   written   at   length 




    about   "resource   curse,"   a   curious   phenomenon   wherein 


    countries   and   regions   well   endowed   with   resources   are 


    often   the   worst   performers   when   it   comes   to   various 


    human development indicia. In comparison with countries 


    dependant on agricultural exports, or whose development 


    paradigm   is   founded   upon   broad   based   development   of 


    human resources of all segments of the population, such 


    countries and regions suffer from "unusually high poverty, 


    poor   health   care,   widespread   malnutrition,   high   rates   of 


    child   mortality,  low   life  expectancy  and   poor   educational 


    performance."6


12.Predatory   forms   of   capitalism,   supported   and   promoted 


    by   the   State   in   direct   contravention   of   constitutional 


    norms   and   values,   often   take   deep   roots   around   the 


    extractive   industries.   In   India   too,   we   find   a   great 


    frequency   of   occurrence   of   more   volatile   incidents   of 


    social unrest, historically, and in the present, in resource 




6 Joseph E. Stiglitz, Making Natural Resources into a Blessing rather than a Curse, in "Covering Oil", eds., 


Svetlana Tsalik and Arya Schiffrin, Open Society Institute (2005).



                                                                           14






  rich   regions,   which   paradoxically   also   suffer   from   low 


  levels of human development. The argument that such a 


  development   paradigm   is   necessary,   and   its 


  consequences   inevitable,   is   untenable.   The   Constitution 


  itself, in no uncertain terms, demands that the State shall 


  strive, incessantly and consistently, to promote fraternity 


  amongst   all   citizens   such   that   dignity   of   every   citizen   is 


  protected,   nourished   and   promoted.   The   Directive 


  Principles,   though   not   justiciable,   nevertheless 


  "fundamental   in   the   governance   of   the   Country",   direct 


  the   State   to   utilize   the   material   resources   of   the 


  community   for   the   common   good   of   all,   and   not   just   of 


  the rich and the powerful without any consideration of the 


  human suffering that extraction of such resources impose 


  on   those   who   are   sought   to   be   dispossessed   and 


  disempowered.   Complete   justice   -   social,   economic   and 


  political -, is what our Constitution promises to each and 


  every   citizen.   Such   a   promise,   even   in   its   weakest   form 


  and content, cannot condone policies that turn a blind eye 


  to deliberate infliction of misery on large segments of our 


  population.


13.Policies of rapid exploitation of resources by the private 


  sector,   without   credible   commitments   to   equitable 


  distribution   of   benefits   and   costs,   and   environmental 


  sustainability,   are   necessarily   violative   of   principles   that 



                                                                       15






are   "fundamental   to   governance",   and   when   such   a 


violation   occurs   on   a   large   scale,   they   necessarily   also 


eviscerate  the promise  of equality  before  law, and equal 


protection   of   the   laws,   promised   by   Article   14,   and   the 


dignity   of   life   assured   by   Article   21.   Additionally,   the 


collusion of the extractive industry, and in some places it 


is   also   called  the   mining  mafia,   and   some  agents   of   the 


State,   necessarily   leads   to   evisceration   of   the   moral 


authority   of   the   State,   which   further   undermines   both 


Article   14   and   Article   21.   As   recognized   by   the   Expert 


Committee of the  Planning Commission, any steps taken 


by the State, within the paradigm of treating such volatile 


circumstances   as   simple   law   and   order   problems,   to 


perpetrate large scale violence against the local populace, 


would only breed more insurgency, and ever more violent 


protests.   Some   scholars   have   noted   that   complexities   of 


varieties of political violence in India are rooted:








    "as much in the economic relations of the country  


   as in its stratified social structure.... [E]ntrenched  


   feudal structures, emerging commercial interests,  


   new alliances and the nexus between entrenched  


   order,   new   interests,   political   elites   and   the  


   bureaucracy,   and   deficient   public   infrastructure  


   and   facilities   perpetuate   exploitation.   The  


   resulting   miseries   have   made   these   sections   of  


   the population vulnerable to calls for revolutionary  


   politics....India's   development   dichotomy   has   also  


   had   a   destabilizing   impact   on   people's   settled  



                                                                               16






        lives.   For   decades,   the  Indian   state   has   failed   to  


        provide   alternative   livelihoods   to   those   displaced  


        by   developmental   projects.   According   to   an  


        estimate,   between   1951   and   1990,   8.5   million  


        members of ST's were displaced by developmental  


        projects. Representing over 40 per cent of all the  


        displaced   people,  only   25   per  cent   of  them   were  


        rehabilitated....   Although   there   are   no   definitive  


        data,   Dalits   and   Adivasis   have   been   reported   to  


        form   a   large   proportion   of   the   Maoists'   foot  


        soldiers.... A study of atrocities against these two  


        sections   of   society   reveals   correspondence  


        between   the   prevalence   and   spread   of   Naxalism  


        and   the   geographic   location   of   atrocities....   The  


        susceptibility   of   the   vulnerable   continues   under  


        the   new   emerging   context   of   the   liberalization,  


        marketization   and   globalization   of   the   Indian  


        economy,   which   have   added   new   dominance  


        structures to the existing ones."7




14.What   is   ominous,   and   forebodes   grave   danger   to   the 


    security and unity of this nation, the welfare of all of our 


    people,   and   the   sanctity   of   our   constitutional   vision   and 


    goals, is that the State is drawing the wrong conclusions, 


    as   pointed   out   by   the   Expert   Group   of   the   Planning 


    Commission cited earlier. Instead of locating the problem 


    in   the   socio-economic   matrix,   and   the   sense   of 


    disempowerment   wrought   by   the   false   developmental 


    paradigm   without   a   human   face,   the   powers   that   be   in 


    India are instead propagating the view that this obsession 


    with economic growth is our only path, and that the costs 






7 Ajay K. Mehra, supra note 1



                                                                        17






borne   by   the   poor   and   the   deprived,   disproportionately, 


are   necessary   costs.   Amit   Bhaduri,   a   noted   economist, 


has observed:






   "If we are to look a little beyond our middle class  


   noses,   beyond   the   world   painted   by   mainstream  


   media,   the   picture   is   less   comforting,   less  


   assuring....   Once   you   step   outside   the   charmed  


   circle   of   a   privileged   minority   expounding   on   the  


   virtues   of   globalization,   liberalization   and  


   privatization,   things   appear   less   certain....  


   According   to   the   estimate   of   the   Ministry   of  


   Home Affairs, some 120 to 160 out of a total  


   of   607   districts   are   "Naxal   infested".  


   Supported by a disgruntled and dispossessed  


   peasantry,   the   movement   has   spread   to  


   nearly   one-fourth   of   Indian   territory.   And  


   yet,   all   that   this   government   does   is   not   to  


   face the causes of the rage and despair that  


   nurture   such   movements;   instead   it  


   considers   it   a   menace,   a   law-and-order  


   problem....   that   is   to   be   rooted   out   by   the  


   violence of the state, and congratulates itself  


   when it uses violence effectively to crush the  


   resistance of the angry poor.... For the sake of  


   higher   growth,   the   poor   in   growing   numbers   will  


   be   left  out   in   the  cold,  undernourished,   unskilled  


   and   illiterate,   totally   defenceless   against   the  


   ruthless logic of a global market....  [T]his is not  


   merely   an   iniquitous   process.   High   growth  


   brought   about   in   this   manner   does   not  


   simply   ignore   the   question   of   income  


   distribution,   its   reality   is   far   worse.   It  


   threatens   the   poor   with   a   kind   of   brutal  


   violence in the name of development, a sort  


   of   `developmental   terrorism',   violence  



                                                                            18






      perpetrated   on   the   poor   in   the   name   of  


      development   by   the   state   primarily   in   the  


      interest   of   corporate   aristocracy,   approved  


      by   the   IMF   and   the   World   Bank,   and   a   self-


      serving   political   class....  Academics   and   media  


      persons   have   joined   the   political   chorus   of  


      presenting the developmental terrorism as a sign  


      of   progress,   an   inevitable   cost   of   development.  


      The   conventional   wisdom   of   our   time   is   that,  


      There   Is   No   Alternative....   And   yet   this   so   widely  


      agreed   upon   model   of   development   is   fatally  


      flawed.   It   has   already   been   rejected   and   will   be  


      rejected   again   by   the   growing   strength   of   our  


      democratic polity, and by direct resistance of the  


      poor threatened with `developmental terrorism".




15.As if the above were not bad enough, another dangerous 


   strand   of   governmental   action   seems   to   have   been 


   evolved  out  of  the   darkness  that  has  begun  to envelope 


   our   policy   makers,   with   increasing   blindness   to 


   constitutional   wisdom   and   values.   On   the   one   hand   the 


   State   subsidises   the   private   sector,   giving   it   tax   break 


   after   tax   break,   while   simultaneously   citing   lack   of 


   revenues   as   the   primary   reason   for   not   fulfilling   its 


   obligations to provide adequate cover to the poor through 


   social   welfare   measures.   On   the   other   hand,   the   State 


   seeks to arm the youngsters amongst the poor with guns 


   to combat the anger, and unrest, amongst the poor.








16.Tax   breaks   for   the   rich,   and   guns   for   the   youngsters 


   amongst   poor,   so   that   they   keep   fighting   amongst 



                                                                          19






   themselves,   seems   to   be   the   new   mantra   from   the 


   mandarins   of   security   and   high   economic   policy   of   the 


   State. This, apparently, is to be the grand  vision  for the 


   development   of   a   nation   that   has   constituted   itself   as   a 


   sovereign,   secular,   socialist   and   democratic   republic. 


   Consequently,   questions   necessarily   arise   as   to   whether 


   the   policy   makers,   and   the   powers   that   be,   are   in   any 


   measure   being   guided   by   constitutional   vision,   values, 


   and   limitations   that   charge   the   State   with   the   positive 


   obligation of ensuring the dignity of all citizens.










17.What   the   mandarins   of   high   policies   forget   is   that   a 


   society   is   not   a   forest   where   one   could   combat   an 


   accidental forest fire by starting a counter forest fire that 


   is   allegedly   controlled.   Human   beings   are   not   individual 


   blades of dry grass. As conscious beings, they exercise a 


   free   will.   Armed,   the   very   same   groups   can   turn,   and 


   often   have   turned,   against   other   citizens,   and   the   State 


   itself.   Recent   history   is   littered   with   examples   of   the 


   dangers of armed vigilante groups that operate under the 


   veneer of State patronage or support.








18.Such   misguided   policies,   albeit   vehemently   and 


   muscularly   asserted   by   some   policy   makers,   are 


   necessarily contrary to the vision and imperatives of our 



                                                                         20






  constitution which demands that the power vested in the 


  State, by the people, be only used for the welfare of the 


  people - all the people, both rich and the poor -, thereby 


  assuring conditions of human dignity within the ambit of 


  fraternity amongst groups of them. Neither Article 14, nor 


  Article   21,   can   even   remotely   be   conceived   as   being   so 


  bereft of substance as to be immune from such policies. 


  They   are   necessarily   tarnished,   and   violated   in   a 


  primordial sense by such policies. The creation of such a 


  miasmic environment of dehumanization of youngsters of 


  the   deprived   segments   of   our   population,   in   which   guns 


  are given to them rather than books, to stand as guards 


  for the rapine, plunder and loot in our forests, would be to 


  lay   the   road   to   national   destruction.   It   is   necessary   to 


  note here that this Court had to intercede and order the 


  Government   of   Chattisgarh   to   get   the   security   forces   to 


  vacate   the   schools   and   hostels   that   they   had   occupied; 


  and even after such orders, many schools and hostels still 


  remain   in   the   possession   and   occupancy   of   the   security 


  forces.   Such   is   the   degree   of   degeneration   of   life,   and 


  society. Facts speak for themselves.








19.Analyzing the causes for failure of many nation-states, in 


  recent   decades,   Robert   I.   Rotberg,   a   professor   of   the 


  Kennedy School, Harvard University, posits the view that 



                                                                         21






"[N]ation- states exist to provide a decentralized method 


of   delivering   political   (public)   goods   to   persons   living 


within   designated   parameters   (borders)....   They   organize 


and   channel   the   interests   of   their   people,   often   but   not 


exclusively   in   furtherance   of   national   goals   and   values." 


Amongst  the  purposes  that  nation-states   serve,  that  are 


normatively expected by citizenries, are included the task 


of   buffering   or   manipulation   of   "external   forces   and 


influences,"   and   mediation   between   "constraints   and 


challenges"   of   the   external   and   international   forces   and 


the   dynamics   of   "internal   economic,   political,   and   social 


realities." In particular he notes:








   "States succeed or fail across all or some of these  


   dimensions.   But   it   is   according   to   their  


   performance   -   according   to   the   levels   of   their  


   effective   delivery   of   the   most   crucial   political  


   goods   -   that   strong   states   may   be   distinguished  


   from   weak   ones,   and   weak   states   from   failed   or  


   collapsed states.... There is a hierarchy of political  


   goods. None is as crucial as the supply of security,  


   especially   human   security.   Individuals   alone,  


   almost   exclusively   in   special   or   particular  


   circumstances, can attempt to secure themselves.  


   Or   groups   of   individuals   can   band   together   to  


   organize   and   purchase   goods   or   services   that  


   maximize   their   sense   of   security.   Traditionally,  


   and   usually,   however,   individuals   and   groups  


   cannot   easily   or   effectively   substitute   private  


   security   for   the   full   spectrum   of   public   security.  


   The   state's   prime   function   is   to   provide   that  



                                                                             22






        political good of security - to prevent cross-border  


        invasions   and   infiltrations,   to   eliminate   domestic  


        threats to or attacks upon the national order and  


        social   structure...   and  to   stabilize   citizens   to  


        resolve   their   disputes   with   the   state   and  


        with their fellow  human inhabitants  without  


        recourse   to   arms   or   other   forms   of   physical  


        coercion."8





20.The primary task of the State is the provision of security 


     to   all   its   citizens,   without   violating   human   dignity.   This 


     would   necessarily   imply   the   undertaking   of   tasks   that 


     would prevent the emergence of great dissatisfaction, and 


     disaffection,   on   account   of   the   manner   and   mode   of 


     extraction,   and   distribution,   of   natural   resources   and 


     organization   of   social   action,   its   benefits   and   costs.   Our 


     Directive Principles of State Policy explicitly recognize this. 


     Our   Constitution   posits   that   unless   we   secure   for   our 


     citizens conditions of social, economic and political justice 


     for   all   who   live   in   India,   we   would   not   have   achieved 


     human   dignity   for   our   citizens,   nor   would   we   be   in   a 


     position   to   promote   fraternity   amongst   groups   of   them. 


     Policies   that   run   counter   to   that   essential   truth   are 


     necessarily destructive of national unity and integrity. To 


     pursue   socio-economic   policies   that   cause   vast 


     disaffection   amongst   the   poor,   creating   conditions   of 


8 "The Failure and Collapse of Nation-States - BREAKDOWN, PREVENTION AND 


FAILURE" in "WHEN STATES FAIL: CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES" Robert I. 


Rotberg, Ed.,  Princeton University Press (2004).



                                                                                   23






    violent politics is a proscribed feature of our Constitution. 


    To   arrive   at   such   a   situation,   in   actuality   on   account   of 


    such   policies,   and   then   claim   that   there   are   not   enough 


    resources to tackle the resulting socio-political unrest, and 


    violence,   within   the   framework   of   constitutional   values 


    amounts to an abdication of constitutional responsibilities. 


    To   claim   that   resource   crunch   prevents   the   State   from 


    developing   appropriate   capacity   in   ensuring   security   for 


    its citizens through well trained formal police and security 


    forces   that   are   capable   of   working   within   the 


    constitutional  framework  would  be an abandonment  of a 


    primordial   function   of   the   State.   To   pursue   policies 


    whereby   guns   are   distributed   amongst   barely   literate 


    youth amongst the poor to control the disaffection in such 


    segments   of   the   population   would   be   tantamount   to 


    sowing   of   suicide   pills   that   could   divide   and   destroy 


    society.   Our   youngsters   are   our   most   precious   resource, 


    to be nurtured for a better tomorrow. Given the endemic 


    inequalities   in   our   country,   and   the   fact   that   we   are 


    increasingly, in a demographic sense, a young population, 


    such   a   policy   can   necessarily   be   expected   to   lead   to 


    national disaster.








21. Our constitution is most certainly not a "pact for national 




    suicide."9  In   the   least,   its   vision   does   enable   us,   as 


9 Aharon Barack, "The Judge in a Democracy" (Princeton University Press, 2006).



                                                                              24






   constitutional adjudicators to recognize, and prevent, the 


   emergence,   and   the   institutionalization,   of   a   policing 


   paradigm, the end point of which can only mean that the 


   entire   nation,   in   short   order,   might   have   to   gasp:   "The 


   horror! The horror!"










22.It   is   in   light   of   the   above   that   we   necessarily   have   to 


   examine the issues discussed below, and pass appropriate 


   orders.   We   have   heard   at   length   the   learned   senior 


   counsel, Shri. Ashok H. Desai, appearing on behalf of the 


   petitioners,   and   learned   senior   counsel,   Shri.   Harish   N. 


   Salve and Shri. M.N. Krishnamani appearing for the State 


   of   Chattisgarh.   We   have   also   heard   learned   Solicitor 


   General   of   India,   Shri   Gopal   Subrahmanyam,   appearing 


   for the Union of India.








                                       II








Brief Facts and History of Instant Matters








23. The   instant   writ   petition   was   filed,   in   2007,   by:   (i)   Dr. 




   Nandini Sunder, a professor of Sociology at Delhi School 


   of   Economics,   and   the   author   of   "Subalterns   and 


   Sovereigns: An Anthropological History of Bastar" (2nd Ed. 


   2007);   (ii)   Dr.   Ramachandra   Guha,   a   well   known 



                                                                      25






  historian,   environmentalist   and   columnist,   and   author   of 


  several   books,   including   "Savaging   the   Civilised:   Verrier 


  Elwin,   His   Tribals   and   India"   (1999)   and   "India   After 


  Gandhi"   (2007);   and   (iii)   Mr.   E.A.S.   Sarma,   former 


  Secretary   to   Government   of   India,   and   former 


  Commissioner,   Tribal   Welfare,   Government   of   Andhra 


  Pradesh.   The   petitioners   have   alleged,   inter-alia, 


  widespread   violation   of   human   rights   of   people   of 


  Dantewada District, and its neighboring areas in the State 


  of   Chhattisgarh,   on   account   of   the   on   going   armed 


  Maoist/Naxalite   insurgency,   and   the   counter-insurgency 


  offensives launched by the Government of Chattisgarh. In 


  this   regard,   it   was   also   alleged   that   the   State   of 


  Chattisgarh   was   actively   promoting   the   activities   of   a 


  group called "Salwa Judum", which was in fact an armed 


  civilian   vigilante   group,   thereby   further   exacerbating   the 


  ongoing  struggle,  and  was  leading to further  widespread 


  violation of human rights.




24. This   Court,   had   previously   passed   various   orders   as 




  appropriate   at   the   particular   stage   of   hearing.   It   had 


  previously   noted   that   it   would   be   appropriate   for   the 


  National   Human   Rights   Commission   ("NHRC")   to   verify 


  the   serious   allegations   made   by   the   Petitioners,   by 


  constituting a committee for investigation, and make the 


  report   available   to   this   Court.   On   25-08-2008   the   NHRC 



                                                                           26






   filed   its   report.   This   Court   then   directed   that   the 


   Government             of         Chattisgarh         consider         the 


   recommendations.   This   Court   also   directed   that 


   appropriate   First   Information   Reports   ("FIRs")   be   filed 


   with   respect   to   killings   or   other   acts   of   violence   and 


   commission   of   crimes,   where   the   FIRs   had   not   been 


   registered.   The   Government   of   Chattisgarh   was   further 


   directed, in the case of finding the dead body of a person, 


   to   ensure   that   a   magisterial   enquiry   follow,   and   file   an 


   "Action   Taken   Report."   In   the   order   dated   18-02-2010, 


   this   Court   stated   that   "[I]t   appears   that   about   3000 


   SPOs," (Special Police Officers) "have been appointed by 


   the State Government to take care of the law and order 


   situation, in addition to the regular police force. We make 


   it   clear   that   the   appointment   of   SPOs   shall   be   done   in 


   accordance with law." The Court also specifically recorded 


   that   "[I]t   is   also   denied   emphatically   by   the   State   that 


   private citizens are provided with arms."




25. In   the   course   of   the   continuing   hearings,   before   us,   a 




   number   of   allegations   have   been   made,   certain   of   the 


   findings   of   NHRC   stressed,   and   some   contested.   Three 


   aspects were particularly dealt by us, and they relate to: 


   (i) the issue of schools and hostels in various districts of 


   Chattisgarh being occupied by various security forces, in a 


   manner that precludes the proper education of students of 



                                                                            27






such   schools;   (ii)   the   issue   of   nature   of   employment   of 


SPOs,   also   popularly   known   as   Koya   Commandos,   the 


manner   of   their   training,   their   status   as   police   officers, 


the   fact   that   they   are   provided   with   firearms,   and   the 


various   allegations   of   the   excessive   violence   perpetrated 


by such SPOs.; and (iii) fresh allegations made, this time 


by   Swami   Agnivesh,   that   some   300   houses   were   burnt 


down   in   the   villages   of   Morpalli,   Tadmetla   and 


Timmapuram,   of   women   raped   and   three   men   killed 


sometime in March, 2011. It was also alleged  that when 


Swami Agnivesh, along with some other members of the 


civil   society,   tried   to   visit   the   said   villages   to   distribute 


humanitarian   aid,   and   gain   firsthand   knowledge   of   the 


situation,   they   were   attacked   by   members   of   "Salwa 


Judum"   in   two   separate   incidents,   and   that, 


notwithstanding   assurances   by   the   Chief   Minister   of 


Chattisgarh  that   they  will  be  provided  all  the  security  to 


be   able   to   undertake   their   journey   and   complete   their 


tasks,   and   notwithstanding   the   presence   of   security 


forces, the attacks were allowed to be perpetrated. Swami 


Agnivesh, it is also reported, and prima facie appears, is a 


social   activist,   of   some   repute,   advocating   the   path   of 


peaceful resolution of social conflict. It also appears that 


Swami Agnivesh has actually worked towards the release 


of   some   police   personnel   who   had   been   kidnapped   by 



                                                                        28






   Naxalites   in   Chattisgarh,   and   the   same   has   also   been 


   acknowledged by a person no less than the Chief Minister 


   of Chattisgarh.




26. With   respect   to   the   issue   of   the   schools   and   hostels 




   occupied by the security forces, it may be noted that the 


   State   of   Chattisgarh   had   categorically   denied   that   any 


   schools,   hospitals,   ashrams   and   anganwadis   were 


   continuing to be  occupied  by security forces,  and  in fact 


   all such facilities had been vacated. However, during the 


   course of the hearings before this bench it has turned out 


   that   the   facts   asserted   in   the   earlier   affidavit   were 


   erroneous, and that in fact a large number of schools had 


   continued   to  be  occupied   by  security  forces.  It  was  only 


   upon the intervention, and directions, of this Court did the 


   State   of   Chattisgarh   begin   the   process   of   releasing   the 


   schools   and   hostels   from   the   occupation   by   the   security 


   forces. That process is, in fact, still on going. We express 


   our   reservations   at   the   manner   in   which   the   State   of 


   Chattisgarh   has   conducted   itself   in   the   instant 


   proceedings   before   us.   It   was   because   of   the   earlier 


   submissions   made   to   this   Court   that   schools,   hospitals, 


   ashrams and anganwadis have already been vacated, this 


   Court   had   passed   earlier   orders   with   respect   to   other 


   aspects of the recommendations of the NHRC, and did not 


   address itself to the issue of occupancy by security forces 



                                                                           29






   of   such   infrastructure   and   public   facilities   that   are 


   necessary and vital for public welfare. A separate affidavit 


   has   been   filed   by   the   State   of   Chattisgarh   seeking   an 


   extension   of   time   to   comply   with   the   directions   of   this 


   Court.   This   is   because   a   large   number   of   schools   and 


   hostels still continue to be occupied by the security forces. 


   We will deal with the said matter separately.




27. It   is   with   respect   to   the   other   two   matters,   i.e.,   (i) 




   appointment of SPOs; and (ii) incidents alleged by Swami 


   Agnivesh which we shall deal with below.


28.At this point it is also necessary to note that the ongoing 


   armed   insurgency   in   Chattisgarh,   and   in   various   other 


   parts of the country, have been referred to as both Maoist 


   and Naxal or Naxalite activities, by the Petitioners as well 


   as   the   Respondents.   Such   terms   are   used 


   interchangeably, and refer to, broadly, armed uprisings of 


   various   groups   of   people   against   the   State,   as   well   as 


   individual or groups of citizens. In this order, we refer to 


   Maoist   activities,   and   the   Naxal   or   Naxalite   activities 


   interchangeably. 








                                    III.








Appointment and conditions of service of the SPOs.



                                                                          30








29. A   number   of   allegations   with   regard   to   functioning   of 




   "Koya   Commandos"   had   been   made   by   the   Petitioners, 


   and   upon   being   asked   by   this   Court   to   explain   who   or 


   what   Koya   Commandos   were,   the   State   of   Chattisgarh, 


   through   two   separate   affidavits,   and   one   written   note, 


   stated, asserted and/or submitted:








      (i)   that,   between   2004   to   2010,   2298   attacks   by 


      Naxalites   occurred   in   the   State,   and   538   police   and 


      para military personnel had been killed; that in addition 


      169   Special   Officers,   32   government   employees   (not 


      police) and 1064 villagers had also been killed in such 


      attacks;   that   the   "SPOs   form   an   integral   part   of   the 


      overall security apparatus in the naxal affected districts 


      of   the   State;"   and   that   the   Chintalnar   area   of 


      Dantewada District is the worst affected area, with 76 


      security personnel killed in one incident.








      (ii) that, as stated previously, in other affidavits, by the 


      State of Chattisgarh, Salwa Judum has run its course, 


      and  has  ceased  as a force,  existing  only  symbolically; 


      that   the   Petitioners'   and   Shri.   Agnivesh's   claim   that 


      Salwa   Judum   is   still   active   in   the   form   of   SPOs   and 


      Koya   Commandos   is   misconceived;   that   the   phrase 


      "Koya Commando" is not an official one, and no one is 



                                                                    31






appointed   as   a   Koya   Commando;   that   some   of   the 


SPOs are from Koya tribe, and hence, loosely, the term 


"Koya Commando" is used; that previously SPOs used 


to be appointed by the District Magistrate under section 


17 of the Indian Police Act 1861 ("IPA"); that the SPOs 


appointed  under   said   statute  drew   their  power,   duties 


and   accountability   under   Section   18   of   the   IPA;   and 


that with the  enactment of the Chattisgarh Police  Act, 


2007   ("CPA   2007"),   SPOs   are   now   appointed   under 


Section 9 of CPA 2007; that SPOs are paid a monthly 


honourarium  of  Rs  3000,  of which  80% is  contributed 


by Government  of India;  that  the   SPOs  are  appointed 


to act as guides, spotters and translators, and work as 


a   source   of   intelligence,   and   firearms   are   provided   to 


them   for   their   self   defence;   that   many   other   states 


have also appointed SPOs, and Naxals oppose the SPOs 


because   their   familiarity   with   local   people,   dialect   and 


terrain   make   them   effective   against   them;   that   the 


total   number   of   SPOs   appointed   in   Chattisgarh,   and 


approved   by  the   Union   of   India,   were   6500   as   of   28-


03-2011. (It may be noted that an year ago the State 


of   Chattisgarh   had   informed   this   Court   that   the   total 


number   of   SPOs   appointed   in   Chattisgarh   were   3000. 


The much higher figure of appointed SPOs, as revealed 


by   the   latest   affidavit   implies   that   the   number   been 



                                                                          32






     more than doubled in the span of one year.)








30. Upon the submission of the affidavit containing the above 




  details, we pointed out a number of issues which had not 


  been addressed by the State of Chattisgarh. Some of the 


  important queries raised by us, with directions to State of 


  Chattisgarh   and   Union   of   India   to   answer,   inter   alia, 


  included:   (i)   the   required   qualifications   for   such   an 


  appointment; (ii) the manner and extent of their training, 


  especially given the fact that they were to wield firearms; 


  (iii) the mode of control of the activities of such SPOs by 


  the State of Chattisgarh; (iv) what special provisions were 


  made to protect the SPOs and their families in the event 


  of   serious   injuries   or   death   while   performing   their 


  "duties"; and (v) what provisions and modalities were in 


  place   for   discharge   of   an   appointed   SPO   from   duty   and 


  the retrieval of the firearms given to them in line of their 


  duties,   and   also   with   regard   to   their   safety   and   security 


  after   performing   their   duties   as   SPOs   for   a   temporary 


  period. In this regard, the State of Chattisgarh submitted 


  an   additional   affidavit   filed   on   03-05-2011,   and 


  subsequently   after   we   had   reserved   this   matter   for 


  orders,   submitted   a   Written   Note   dated   11-03-2011   on 


  16-05-2011. The same are summarized briefly below.



                                                                     33






(i)That  the  Union  of India  approves   the  upper  limit  of 


the number of SPOs  for each state for the purposes of 


reimbursement   of   homourarium   under   the   Security 


Rated Expenditure (SRE) Scheme. 




(ii) That currently the State of Chattisgarh recruits the 


SPOs under Section 9(1) of the Chattisgarh Police Act, 


2007   ("CPA   2007"),   and   that   the   SPOs,   pursuant   to 


Section 9(2) of the CPA 2007, enjoy the "same powers, 


privileges   and   perform   same   duties   as   coordinate 


constabulary   and   subordinate   of   the   Chattisgarh 


Police;" that the SPOs are an integral part of the police 


force   of   Chattisgarh,   and   they   are   "under   the   same 


command,   control   and   supervision   of   the 


Superintendant of Police as any other police officer. The 


SPOs   are   subjected   to   the   same   discipline   and   are 


regulated   by   the   same   legal   framework   as   any   other 


police officer...;" that 1200 SPOs have been suspended, 


and even their tenure not renewed or extended if found 


to   be   derelict   in   the   performance   of   their   duties. 


(However, in the Written Note it has been stated that 


SPOs "are" appointed under Section 17 of IPA 1861).




(iii)   That   SPOs   serve   as   "auxiliary   force   and   force 


multiplier;"   that   appointments   of   SPOs   has   been 


recommended   by   the   Second   Administrative   Reforms 


Commission   under   the   Chairmanship   of   Mr.   M. 


Veerappa Moily.




(iv)   That   SPOs   serve   a   critical   role   in   mitigating   the 


problem   of   inadequacy   of   regular   police   and   other 


security   forces   in   Chattisgarh;   that   a   three   man 


committee   appointed   by   the   Government   of 


Chattisgarh,   in   2007,   to   prepare   an   action   plan   to 


combat   the   Naxalite   problem,   had   calculated   the 


requirement   to   be   seventy   (70)   battalions;   as   against 


this,   at   present   the   State   only   has   a   total   of   40 


battalions, of which 24 are Central Armed Police Force, 



                                                                  34






6   Indian   Reserve,   and   10   State   battalions;   that   the 


shortfall is 30 battalions.




(v) That the appointment of SPOs is necessary because 


of   the   attacks   against   relief   camps   for   displaced 


villagers by Naxals; that the total number of attacks by 


Maoists   between   2005   to   2011   were   41,   in   which   47 


persons   were   killed   and   37   injured,   with   figures   in 


Dantewada being 24 attacks, 37 persons killed and 26 


injured; that tribal youth are joining the ranks of SPOs 


"motivated by the urge for self protection and to defend 


their   family   members/villages   from   violent   attacks;" 


that   "[T]he   victims   of   naxal   violence   and   youth   from 


naxal   affected   areas   having   knowledge   of   the   local 


terrain,   dialects,   naxalites   and   their   sympathizers   and 


who   voluntarily   come   forward   and   expressed   their 


willingness   are   recruited   as   SPOs   after   character 


verification;" and that such tribal youth are recruited as 


SPOs   on   a  temporary   basis,   by  the   Superintendant   of 


the   Police   on   the   recommendation   of   the   concerned 


station in-charge and gazetted police officers.




(vi) That even though IPA 1861 and CPA 2007 do not 


prescribe   any   qualifications,   "preference   is   given   to 


those   who   have   passed   fifth   standard"   in   the 


appointment   of   SPOs;   that   persons   aged   over   18   and 


aware  of   the  local  geography   are   appointed;   and   that 


the   same   is   done   in   accordance   with   prescribed 


guidelines. 




(vii) That a total training of two months is provided to 


such   tribal   youth   appointed   as   SPOs,   including:   (a) 


musketry   weapon   handling,   (b)   first   aid   and   medical 


care;   (c)   field   and   craft   drill;   (d)   UAC   and   Yoga 


training;   and   that   apart   from   the   foregoing,   "basic 


elementary   knowledge"   of   various   subjects   are   also 


included in the training curriculum - (e) Law (including 


IPC, CRPC, Evidence Act, Minor Act etc.) in 24 periods; 



                                                                         35






(f)   Human   Rights   and   other   provisions   of   Constitution 


of   India   in   12   periods;   (g)   use   of   scientific   &   forensic 


aids in policing in 6 periods; (h) community policing in 


6   periods;   and   (i)   culture   and   customs   of   Bastar   in   9 


periods; that timetable of such training, in which each 


period   was   shown   to   be   one   hour   of   class   room 


instruction, submitted to this Court, is evidence of the 


same. 




(viii) That upon training, the SPOs are deployed in their 


local areas and work under police leadership, and that 


the   District   Superintendant   of   Police   commands   and 


controls   these  SPOs  through   SHO/SDOP/Addl   SP;   that 


in   the   past,   1200   SPOs   have   been   discharged   from 


service,   for   absence   from   duty   and   other   indiscipline; 


that   FIR's   have   been   registered   against   22   SPOs   for 


criminal acts, and action taken as per law.




(ix) That "between the year 2005 to April 2011",  173 


SPOs "have sacrificed their lives while performing 


their duties and 117 SPOs received injuries;" that 


certain   provisions   have   been   made   to   give   relief   and 


rehabilitation   to   SPOs   next   of   kin   in   case   of   death 


and/or injuries, such as payment of ex-gratia. 




(x) That in as much as most of the security personnel 


in Chattisgarh, engaged in fighting Naxalites, are from 


outside the State, lack of knowledge about local terrain, 


geography, culture and information regarding who is a 


Naxal   sympathizer,   a   Naxal   etc.,   is   hampering   the 


State;  that  local SPOs prove  to be invaluable  because 


of   their   local   knowledge;   and   that   as   local   officers   on 


duty   in   relief   camps   etc.,   SPOs   have   been   able   to 


thwart   more   than   a   dozen   Maoist   attacks   on   relief 


camps and have also been instrumental in saving lives 


of regular troops.



                                                                           36






     (xi) That SPOs are "looked after as part of regular force 


     and  their  welfare  is  taken  care   off by  the  State;"  and 


     that   by   way   of   examples   and   evidence   of   the   same, 


     may be cited the special relaxation given to victims of 


     Naxal   violence   in   recruitment   of   constables   by 


     Chattisgarh   Government,   and   the   fact   that   more   than 


     700 SPOs who have passed the recruitment test have 


     been appointed as constables.




     (xii)   That   State   of   Chattisgarh   has   framed   Special 


     Police   Officers   (Appointment,   Training   &   Conditions   of 


     Service) Regulatory Procedure 2011 dated 06-05-201. 


     ("New Regulatory Procedures"). 








31.It should be noted at this stage itself that the said rules, 


  in   the   New   Regulatory   Procedures,   have   been   framed 


  after this Court had heard the matter and reserved it for 


  directions.   It   is   claimed   in   the   Written   Note   of   May   16, 


  2011 that "the idea behind better schedule of training for 


  the   SPOs   is   to   make   the   SPOs   more   sensitized   to   the 


  problems   faced   by   local   tribals.   The   SPOs   also   play   a 


  crucial role in bringing back alienated tribals back to the 


  mainstream." It is also further argued in the written note 


  that   the   "disbanding   of   SPOs   as   sought   by   the 


  Petititioners   would   wreak   havoc   with   law   &   order   in   the 


  State   of   Chattisgarh"   and   that   the   State   of   Chattisgarh 


  "intends to improve the training programme imparted to 


  the   SPOs   so   as   to   have   an   effective   and   efficient   police 



                                                                            37






   force" and that the New Regulatory Procedures have been 


   framed to achieve the same.


32.The   State   of   Chattisgarh   also   placed   great   reliance   on 


   the   affidavit   submitted   by  the   Union   of   India,   dated   03-


   05-2011,   with   regard   to   the   appointment,   service   and 


   training   of   SPOs,   and   also   the   broad   policy   statements 


   made   by   Union   of   India   as   to   how   the   Left   Wing 


   Extremism ("LWE") ought to be tackled. To this effect, the 


   affidavit of Union of India is briefly summarized below:






      (i) Police  and Public order  are State subjects, and the 


      primary   responsibility   of   State   Government;   however, 


      in   special   cases   the   Central   Government   supplements 


      the efforts of the  State governments through  the SRE 


      scheme.  The scheme  it  is  said  has  been  developed   to 


      help   States   facing   acute   security   problems,   including 


      LWE,   that   at   present   it   covers   83   districts   in   nine 


      states,   including   Chattisgarh.   Under   the   said   SRE 


      scheme, the Union of India reimburses certain security 


      related   activities   by   the   State   to   enable   "capacity 


      building". It is also stated that the "honourarium" paid 


      to   SPOs   varies   from   state   to   state,   with   varying 


      percentages   of   reimbursement   of   actual   paid 


      honorarium. The highest amount reimbursed is Rs 3000 


      and the lower range is around Rs 1500.




      (ii)   The   Union   of   India   also   categorically   asserted,   as 


      far   as   appointment   and   functioning   of   SPOs   are 


      concerned,   that   its   role   is   "limited   to   the   approval   of 


      upper limit of the number of SPOs for each state for the 


      purpose   of   reimbursement   of   the   honourarium   under 


      the SRE scheme" and that  the "appointment, training, 


      deployment,   role   and   responsibility"   of   the   SPOs   are 



                                                                         38






     determined by the State Governments  concerned. The 


     Union   of   India   categorically   states   that   the   State 


     Governments   "may   appoint   SPOs   in   accordance   with 


     law   irrespective   of   Government   of   India,   Ministry   of 


     Home Affairs approval."




     (iii) The Union of India asserted that "historically SPOs 


     have   played   an   important   role   in   law   and   order   and 


     insurgency   situations   in   different   states".   In   this 


     regard,   in   the   context   of   Left   Wing   Extremism,   the 


     Union   of   India,   in   its   affidavit   also   pointedly   remarks 


     that   the   "Peoples   Liberation   Guerilla   Army...   has  


     raised and uses an auxiliary force known as `Jan  


     Militia'   recruited   from   amongst   the   local   people,  


     who have knowledge of the local terrain, dialect,  


     and   also   have   the   familiarity   with   the   local  


     population.   The   logic   behind   State   Governments  


     recruiting SPOs is to counter the advantage since  


     the   SPOs   are   also   locally   recruited   and   are  


     familiar   with   the   terrain,   dialect   and   the   local  


     population"   and   that   Government   of   India   partially 


     reimburses   honorarium   of   around   70,046   SPOs 


     appointed by different States under the SRE scheme.




33.It would be necessary to note at this stage that it is not 


  clear from the affidavit of Union of India as to what stance 


  it takes with respect to specific aspects of the use of SPOs 


  in   Chattisgarh   -   arming   SPOs   with   arms,   the   nature   of 


  training   provided   to   them,   and   the   duties   assigned   to 


  them. In a markedly vague manner, the Union of India's 


  affidavit   asserts   that   SPOs   are   "force   multipliers"   not 


  explaining   what   is   involved   in   such   a   concept,   nor   how 


  "force" is multiplied, or not, depending on various duties 



                                                                            39






  of the SPOs, their training, and whether they carry arms 


  or not. Without explaining that concept, the Union of India 


  asserts that SPOs have played a useful role in collection of 


  intelligence,   protection   of   local   inhabitants   and   ensuring 


  security   of   property   in   disturbed   areas.   Giving   examples 


  of   what   Union   of   India   claims   to   be   indicia   of   the 


  usefulness of SPOs, the Union of India makes three other 


  assertions: 








     (i) that the "assistance to District Police is crucial since 


     they have a stable presence unlike Army/CPMFs which 


     are withdrawn/relocated frequently";








     (ii)   that   the   Union   of   India   requires   that   the   SPOs   be 


     treated, legally, "on par with ordinary Police officers in 


     respect   of   matters   such   as   powers,   penalties, 


     subordination etc;" and 








     (iii)   that   the   "role   of   SPOs   has   great   relevance   in 


     operational   planning   by   the   State   Governments   in 


     counter insurgency and counter terrorism situations as 


     well as in law and order situations."






34.In addition, it was also further asserted by the Union of 


  India   that   "it   is   necessary   to   enhance   the   capacity   of 


  security   forces   in   the   affected   States.   Despite   the   many 



                                                                        40






   steps taken by the State Governments concerned, the CPI 


   (Maoist)   has   indulged   in   indiscriminate   and   wanton 


   violence." To this effect, the Union of India states that in 


   the   year   2010   a   total   of   1,003   people,   comprising   718 


   civilians   and   285   personnel   of   the   security   forces   were 


   killed   by   Naxalite   groups   all   over   India;   and   of   the 


   civilians   killed,   323   were   killed   on   being   branded   as 


   "police informers."


35.For  good   measure,   the   Union  of   India  ends   its  affidavit 


   with the following:






      "Government   of   India   is   committed   to   respecting   the 


      human   rights  of innocent  citizens.  The Government  of 


      India   has   always   impressed   upon   the   State 


      Governments   that   while   dealing   with   violence 


      perpetrated by CPI (Maoist), the security forces should 


      act with circumspection and restraint. The Government 


      of India will issue advisories to the State Governments 


      to   recruit   constables   and   SPOs   after   careful   screening 


      and   verification,   improve   the   standards   of   training, 


      impart   instruction   on   human   rights;   and   direct   the 


      supervisory   officers   to   enforce   strict   discipline   and 


      adherence to the law among constables and SPOs while 


      conducting operations in affected areas."








Analysis:








36.At this  stage  it is necessary  to  note  the   main   statutory 


   provisions   under   which   it   is   asserted   that   SPOs   are 



                                                                       41






appointed   and   which   govern   their   role,   duties   etc.   They 


are:








   Section 17 of Indian Police Act, 1861:








   "Special  Police-officers:  When  it  shall  appear  that  any  


   unlawful   assembly  or  riot   or   disturbance  of   the  peace  


   has   taken   place,   or   may   be   reasonably   apprehended,  


   and   that   the   police   force   ordinarily   employed   for  


   preventing the peace is not sufficient for its prevention  


   and for the protection of the inhabitants and security of  


   property in the place where such unlawful assembly or  


   riot  or  disturbance  of  the peace   has   occurred,  or  it  is  


   apprehended,   it   shall   be   lawful   for   any   police-officer,  


   not below the rank of Inspector, to apply to the nearest  


   Magistrate, to appoint so many of the residents of the  


   neighborhood as such police-officer may require, to act  


   as special police-officers for such time and within such  


   limits as he shall deem necessary, and the Magistrate  


   to whom such application is made shall, unless he sees  


   cause to the contrary, comply with the application."




   Section 18 of Indian Police Act, 1861:




   "Powers of special police-officers: Every special police-  


   officer   so   appointed   shall   have   the   same   powers,  


   privileges and protection and shall be liable to perform  


   the   same   duties   and   shall   be   amenable   to   the   same  


   penalties and be subordinate to the same authorities as  


   the ordinary officers of police."




   Section 19 of Indian Police Act 1861:




   "Refusal   to   serve   as   special   police-officers:   If   any  


   person,   being   appointed   as   special   police-officers   as  



                                                                            42






      aforesaid,   shall   without   sufficient   excuse,   neglect   or  


      refuse to serve as such, or to obey such lawful order or  


      direction as may be given to him for the performance  


      of his duties, he shall be liable, upon conviction before  


      a   Magistrate,   to   a   fine   not   exceeding   fifty   rupees   for  


      every such neglect, refusal or disobedience."




37.In   the   year  2007,  the   State   of  Chattisgarh   enacted   the 




   Chattisgarh   Police   Act,   2007   and   some   relevant   portions 




   of the same are noted below.








      Section 1(2): "It shall come into force from the date of  


      its publication in the Official Gazette;




      Section 2(n): "Police Officer" means any member of the  


      Police   Force   appointed   under   this   Act   or   appointed  


      before the commencement of this Act for the State and  


      includes   members   of   the   Indian   Police   Service   or  


      members   of   any   other   police   organization   on  


      deputation   to   the   State   Police,   serving   for   the   State  


      and   persons   appointed   under   Section   9   or   10   of   this  


      Act;




      Section 2(k) "Prescribed means prescribed by rules;




      Section 2(o) "Rules" means the rules  made under the  


      Act;




      Section 9(1): Subject to Rules prescribed in this behalf,  


      the   Superintendant   of   Police   may   at   any   time,   by   an  


      order in writing, appoint any person to act as a Special  


      Police   Officer   for   a   period   as   specified   in   the  


      appointment order.



                                                                   43






Section 9(2): Every special  police officer so appointed  


shall have the same powers, privileges and protection  


and shall be liable to perform the same duties and shall  


be amenable to the same penalties, and be subordinate  


to the same authorities, as the ordinary officers of the  


police.




Section   23:   The   following   shall   be   the   functions   and  


responsibilities of a police officer:




      (1) (a)      To  enforce  the  law,  and  to  protect  life,  


                   liberty,   property,   rights   and   dignity   of  


                   the people;


            (b)    To prevent crime and public nuisance;


            (c)    To maintain public order;


            (d)    To   preserve   internal   security,   prevent  


                   and   control   terrorist   activities   and   to  


                   prevent breach of public peace;


            (e)    To protect public property;


            (f)    To   detect   offences   and   bring   the  


                   offenders to justice;


            (g)    To   arrest   persons   whom   he   os   legally  


                   authorized   to   arrest   and   for   whose  


                   arrest sufficient grounds exist;


            (h)    To  help  people  in  situations  arising  out  


                   of   mutual   or   man-made   disasters,   and  


                   to   assist   other   agencies   in   relief  


                   measures;


            (i)    To facilitate orderly movement of people  


                   and   vehicles,   and   to   control   and  


                   regulate traffic;


            (j)    To   gather   intelligence   relating   to  


                   matters   affecting   public   peace   and  


                   crime;


            (k)    To provide security to public authorities  


                   in discharging their functions;


            (l)    To   perform   all   such   duties   and  


                   discharge   such   responsibilities   as   may  



                                                                            44






                          be   enjoined   upon   him   by   law   or   by   an  


                          authority   empowered   to   issue   such  


                          directions under any law.








            Section   24:   Every   police   officer   shall   be  


            considered to be always on duty, when employed  


            as a police officer in the State or deployed outside  


            the State.




            Section   25:   No   police   officer   may   engage   in   an  


            employment   or   office   whatsoever,   other   than   his  


            duties  under  this  Act,  unless  expressly  permitted  


            to do so in writing by the State Government.




            Section   50   (1)   The  State  government   may   make  


            rules   for   carrying   out   the   purposes   of   this   Act:  


            Providing   that   existing   State   Police   regulations  


            shall   continue   to   be   in   force   till   altered   or  


            repealed.




            Section 50(2) All rules made under this Act shall  


            be   laid   before   the   State   Legislature   as   soon   as  


            possible.




            Section   53   (1)   The   Indian   Police   Act   (no.   5   of  


            1861)   in   its   applicability   to   the   State   of  


            Chattisgarh is hereby repealed.








38.It   is   noted   that   neither   Section   9(1)   nor   Section   9(2) 


   specify   the   conditions   or   circumstances   under   which   the 


   Superintendant   of   Police   may   appoint   "any   person"   as   a 


   "Special   Police   Officer".   That   would   be   a   grant   of 


   discretion   without   any   indicia   or   specification   of   limits, 



                                                                              45






  either as to the number of SPOs who could be appointed, 


  their   qualifications,   their   training   or   their   duties. 


  Conferment   of   such   unguided   &   uncanalised   power,   by 


  itself,   would   clearly   be   in   the   teeth   of   Article   14,   unless 


  the provisions are read down so as to save them from the 


  vice of unconstitutionality. The provisions of Section 9(1) 


  and 9(2) of CPA 2007 may be contrasted with Section 17 


  of   IPA,   a   British   era   legislation,   which   sets   forth   the 


  circumstances   under   which   such   appointments   could   be 


  made,   and   the   conditions   to   be   fulfilled.   No   such 


  description   of   circumstances   has   been   made   in   Section 


  9(1)  or  Section  9(2)  of CPA 2007.  In the same  manner, 


  the   functions   and   responsibilities   as   provided   in   Section 


  23 of CPA 2007, so far as they are construed as being the 


  responsibilities that  may  be undertaken  by SPOs,  except 


  those   contained   in     Section   23(1)(a)(h)   and   Section 


  23(1)(a)(i) have also to be read down.


39.Even  though  the State  of Chattisgarh  has  submitted  its 


  New Regulatory Procedures, notified, after this Court had 


  heard the matter at length, we have reviewed the same. 


  We   are   neither   impressed   by   the   contents   of   the   New 


  Regulatory   Procedures,   nor   have   such   New   Regulatory 


  Procedures   inspired   any   confidence   that   they   will   make 


  the situation any better.



                                                                            46








40. Some of the features of these  new rules are summarized 




  as follows. The circumstances specified for appointment of 


  SPOs   include   the   occurrence   of   "terrorist/extremist" 


  incidents   or   apprehension   that   they   may   occur.   With 


  regard   to   eligibility,   the   rules   state   that,   if   other 


  qualifications   are   same,   "person   having   passed   5th  class 


  shall be given preference." Furthermore, the rules specify 


  that the SPO should be "capable of assisting the police in 


  prevention   and   control   of   the   particular   problem   of   the 


  area."   In   as   much   as   "terrorist/extremist"   incidents   and 


  activities   are   included   in   the   circumstances,   i.e.,   the 


  particular   problem   of   the   area,   it   is   clear   that   SPOs   are 


  intended   to   be   appointed   with   the   responsibilities   of 


  engaging in counter-insurgency activities. In point of fact, 


  the language of the rules now indicate that their role need 


  not be limited only to being spotters, and guides and the 


  like,   but   may   also   include   direct   combat   role   with 


  terrorists/extremists. Furthermore, training is to be given 


  to   those   appointed   as   SPOs   if   and   only   if   the 


  Superintendant   of   the   Police   is   "of   the   opinion   that 


  training is essential for him," and in any case training will 


  be   imparted   only   if   the   appointed   person   has   been 


  appointed for a minimum period of one year and is to be 


  given   firearms   for   self   defence.   Such   training   will   be   in 


  "Arms, Human Rights and Law" for a minimum period of 



                                                                              47






  three   months.   The   appointment   is   to   be   "totally 


  temporary   in   nature",   and   the   appointment   may   be 


  terminated,   "without   giving   any   reason"   by   the 


  Superintendant of Police. The SPOs are to only receive an 


  honorarium   and   other   benefits   as   "sanctioned   by   the 


  State Government from time to time."


41.We must at this point also express our deepest dismay at 


  the   role   of   Union   of   India   in   these   matters.   Indeed   it   is 


  true that policing, and law and order, are state subjects. 


  However,   for   the   Union   of   India   to   assert   that   its   role, 


  with   respect   to   SPOs   being   appointed   by   the   State   of 


  Chattisgarh, is limited only to approving the total number 


  of   SPOs,   and   the   extent   of   reimbursement   of 


  "honourarium" paid to them, without issuing directions as 


  to   how   those   SPOs   are   to   be   recruited,   trained   and 


  deployed   for   what   purposes   is   an   extremely   erroneous 


  interpretation of its constitutional responsibilities in these 


  matters.  Article  355  specifically  states that  "[I]t  shall  be 


  the   duty   of   the   Union   to   protect   every   State   against 


  external   aggression   and   internal   disturbance   and   to 


  ensure that the government of every State is carried on in 


  accordance   with   the   provisions   of   the   Constitution."   The 


  Constitution   casts   a   positive   obligation   on   the   State   to 


  undertake all such necessary steps in order to protect the 


  fundamental rights of all citizens, and in some cases even 



                                                                                   48






   of   non-citizens,   and   achieve   for   the   people   of   India 


   conditions  in  which  their  human  dignity  is protected   and 


   they are enabled to live in conditions of fraternity. Given 


   the tasks and responsibilities that the Constitution places 


   on the State, it is extremely dismaying that the Union of 


   India, in response to a specific direction by this Court that 


   it   file   an   affidavit   as   to   what   its   role   is   with   respect   to 


   appointment of SPOs in Chattisgarh, claim that it only has 


   the limited role as set forth in its affidavit. Even a cursory 


   glance at the affidavit of the Union of India indicates that 


   it   was   filed   with   the   purpose   of   taking   legal   shelter   of 


   diminished   responsibility,   rather   than   exhibiting   an 


   appropriate   degree   of   concern   for   the   serious 


   constitutional issues involved.


42.The   fact   of   the   matter   is,   it   is   the   financial   assistance 


   being   given   by   the   Union   that   is   enabling   the   State   of 


   Chattisgarh to appoint barely literate tribal youth as SPOs, 


   and given firearms to undertake tasks that only members 


   of   the   official   and   formal   police   force   ought   to   be 


   undertaking.   Many   thousands   of   them   have   been 


   appointed, and they are being paid an "honorarium" of Rs 


   3000   per   month,   which   the   Union   of   India   reimburses. 


   That the Union of India has not seen it fit to evaluate the 


   capacities   of   such   tribal   youth   in   undertaking   such 


   responsibilities   in   counter-insurgency   activities   against 



                                                                         49






  Maoists,   the   dangers   that   they   will   confront,   and   their 


  other   service   conditions,   such   as   the   adequacy   of   their 


  training,   is   clearly   unconscionable.   The   stance   of   the 


  Union of India, from its affidavit, has clearly been that it 


  believes  that  its constitutional  obligations   extend only  to 


  the extent of fixing an upper limit on the number of SPOs 


  engaged, on account of the impact on its purse, and that 


  how  such  monies  are used  by the state  governments,  is 


  not   their   concern.   In   its   most   recent   statement   to   this 


  Court, much belated, the Union of India asserts that it will 


  only issue "advisories to the State Governments to recruit 


  constables   and   SPOs   after   careful   screening   and 


  verification,   improve   the   standards   of   training.   Impart 


  instruction   on   human   rights..."   This   leads   us   to   conclude 


  that the Union of India had abdicated its responsibilities in 


  these matters previously. The fact that even now it sees 


  its   responsibilities   as   consisting   of   only   issuing   of 


  advisories to the state governments does not lead to any 


  confidence that the Union of India intends to take all the 


  necessary steps in mitigating a vile social situation that it 


  has, willy-nilly, played an important role in creating.


43.It is now clear to us, as alleged by the petitioners, that 


  thousands   of   tribal   youth   are   being   appointed   by   the 


  State   of   Chattisgarh,   with   the   consent   of   the   Union   of 


  India,   to   engage   in   armed   conflict   with   the 



                                                                      50






Maoists/Naxalites. The facts as stated in the affidavits of 


the   State   of   Chattisgarh,   and   Union   of   India   themselves 


reveal that, contrary to the assertions that the tribal SPOs 


are recruited only to engage in non-combatant roles such 


as   those   of   spotters,   guides,   intelligence   gatherers,   and 


for maintenance of local law and order, they are actually 


involved   in   combat   with  the  Maoists/Naxalites.     The  fact 


that both the State of Chattisgarh and the Union of India 


themselves   acknowledge   that   the   relief   camps,   and   the 


remote   villages,   in   which   these   SPOs   are   recruited   and 


directed   to   work   in,   have   been   subject   to   thousands   of 


attacks   clearly   indicates   that   in   every   such   attack   the 


SPOs   may   necessarily   have   to   engage   in   pitched   battles 


with  the  Maoists.  This  is  also  borne  out  by  the  fact  that 


both   the   Union   of   India   and   State   of   Chattisgarh   have 


acknowledged that many hundreds of civilians have been 


killed   by   Maoists/Naxalites   by   branding   them   as   "police 


informants." This would obviously mean that SPOs would 


be amongst the first targets of the Maoists/Naxalites, and 


not be merely occasional incidental victims of violence or 


subject   to   Maoist/Naxalite   attacks   upon   accidental   or 


chance   discovery   or   infrequent   discovery   of   their   true 


role. The new rules in fact make the situation even worse, 


for   they   specify   that   the   person   appointed   as   an   SPO 


"should   be   capable   of   assisting   the   police   in   prevention 



                                                                           51






   and control of the particular problem of the area," which 


   include   terrorist/extremist   activities.   There   is   no 


   specification that they will be used in only non-combatant 


   roles or roles that do not place them in direct danger of 


   attacks by extremists/terrorists.


44.It   is   also   equally   clear   to   us,   as   alleged   by   the 


   petitioners,   that   the   lives   of   thousands   of   tribal   youth 


   appointed as SPOs are placed in grave danger by virtue of 


   the   fact   that   they   are   employed   in   counter-insurgency 


   activities against the Maoists/Naxalites in Chattisgarh. The 


   fact that 173 of them have "sacrificed their lives" in this 


   bloody   battle,   as   cynically   claimed   by   the   State   of 


   Chattisgarh in its affidavit, is absolute proof of the same. 


   It   should   be   noted   that   while   538   police   and   CAPF 


   personnel have been killed, out of a total strength of 40 


   battalions   of   regular   security   forces,   in   the   operations 


   against   Maoists   in   Chattisgarh   between   2004   and   2011, 


   173   SPOs   i.e.,   young,   and   by   and   large   functionally 


   illiterate,   tribals,  have   been  killed   in   the   same  period.   If 


   one were to take, roughly, the strength of each battalion 


   to   be   1000   to   1200   personnel,   the   ratio   of   deaths   of 


   formal   security   personnel   to   total   security   personnel 


   engaged   is   roughly   538   to   about   45000   to   50000 


   personnel.   That   itself   is   a   cause   for   concern,   and   a 


   continuing tragedy. Given the fact that the strength of the 



                                                                         52






  SPOs till last year was only 3000 (and has now grown to 


  6500),   the   ratio   of   number   of   SPOs   killed   (173)   to   the 


  strength   of   SPOs   (3000   to   4000)   is   of   a   much   higher 


  order, and is unconscionable. Such a higher rate of death, 


  as   opposed   to   what   the   formal   security   forces   have 


  suffered,  can only imply that these SPOs are involved in 


  front line battles, or that they are, by virtue of their roles 


  as   SPOs,   being   placed   in   much   more   dangerous 


  circumstances,   without   adequate   safety   of   numbers   and 


  strength that formal security forces would possess.


45.It is also equally clear to us that in this policy, of using 


  local   youth,   jointly   devised   by   the   Union   and   the   States 


  facing Maoist insurgency, as implemented in the State of 


  Chattisgarh, the young tribals have literally become canon 


  fodder in the killing fields of Dantewada and other districts 


  of Chattisgarh. The training, that the State of Chattisgarh 


  claims it is providing those youngsters with, in order to be 


  a   part   of   the   counter-insurgency   against   one   of   the 


  longest   lasting   insurgencies   mounted   internally,   and 


  indeed   may   also   be   the   bloodiest,   is   clearly   insufficient. 


  Modern   counter-insurgency   requires   use   of   sophisticated 


  analytical   tools,   analysis   of   data,   surveillance   etc. 


  According to various reports, and indeed the claims of the 


  State   itself,   Maoists   have   been   preparing   themselves   on 


  more   scientific   lines,   and   gained   access   to   sophisticated 



                                                                            53






  weaponry. That the State of Chattisgarh claims that these 


  youngsters,   with   little   or   no   formal   education,   are 


  expected   to  learn   the   requisite   range  of  analytical   skills, 


  legal   concepts   and   other   sophisticated   aspects   of 


  knowledge, within a span of two months, and that such a 


  training   is   sufficient   for   them   to   take   part   in   counter-


  insurgency against the Maoists, is shocking.


46.The   State   of   Chattisgarh   has   itself   stated   that   in 


  recruiting   these   tribal   youths   as   SPOs   "preference   for 


  those   who   have   passed   the   fifth"   standard   has   been 


  given. This clearly implies that some, or many, who have 


  been   recruited   as   SPOs   may   not   have   even   passed   the 


  fifth   standard.   Under   the   new   rules,   it   is   clear   that   the 


  State of Chattisgarh would continue to recruit youngsters 


  with such limited schooling. It is shocking that the State 


  of   Chattisgarh   then   turns   around   and   states   that   it   had 


  expected   such   youngsters   to   learn,   adequately,   subjects 


  such   as   IPC,   CRPC,   Evidence   Act,   Minors   Act   etc.   Even 


  more shockingly the State of Chattisgarh claims that the 


  same   was   achieved   in   a   matter   of   24   periods   of 


  instruction   of   one   hour   each.   Further,   the   State   of 


  Chattisgarh   also   claims   that   in   an   additional   12   periods, 


  both the concepts of Human Rights and "other provisions 


  of   Indian   Constitution"   had   been   taught.   Even   more 


  astoundingly,  it claims  that  it also taught  them scientific 



                                                                            54






   and   forensic   aids   in   policing   in   6   periods.   The   State   of 


   Chattisgarh also claims, with regard to the new rules, that 


   "the idea behind better schedule of training for SPOs is to 


   make them more sensitized to the problems faced by local 


   tribes."   This   supposed   to   be   achieved   by   increasing   the 


   total   duration   of   training   by   an   extra   month,   for 


   youngsters   who   may   or   may   not   have   passed   the   fifth 


   class.


47.We   hold   that   these   claims   are   simply   lacking   in   any 


   credibility.   Even   if   one   were   to   assume,   for   the   sake   of 


   argument,   that   such   lessons   are   actually   imparted,   it 


   would be impossible for any reasonable person to accept 


   that tribal youngsters, who may, or may not, have passed 


   the fifth standard, would possess the necessary scholastic 


   abilities  to read,  appreciate  and  understand  the  subjects 


   being   taught   to   them,   and   gain   the   appropriate   skills   to 


   be engaged in counter-insurgency movements against the 


   Maoists.


48.The State of Chattisgarh accepts the fact that many, and 


   for   all   we   know   most,   of   these   young   tribals   being 


   appointed as SPOs have been provided firearms and other 


   accoutrements  necessary to bear and use such firearms, 


   and will continue to be so provided in the future under the 


   new rules. While the State of Chattisgarh claims that they 


   are being  provided  such   arms  only  for  self-defence,  it is 



                                                                           55






  clear   that   given   the   levels   of   education   that   these   tribal 


  youth are expected to have had, and the training they are 


  being   provided,   they   would   simply   not   possess   the 


  analytical and cognitive skills to read and understand the 


  complex socio-legal dimensions that inform the concept of 


  self-defence,   and   the   potential   legal   liabilities,   including 


  serious   criminal   charges,   in   the   event   that   the   firearms 


  are   used   in   a   manner   that   is   not   consonant   with   the 


  concept   of   self-defence.   Even   if   we   were   to   assume, 


  purely   for   the   sake   of   argument,   that   these   youngsters 


  were being engaged as gatherers of intelligence or secret 


  informants, the fact that by assuming such a role they are 


  potentially   placed   in   an   endangered   position   vis-`-vis 


  attacks   by   Maoists,   they   are   obviously   being   put   in 


  volatile  situations  in  which  the  distinctions  between  self-


  defence and unwarranted firing of a firearm may be very 


  thin and requiring a high level of discretionary judgment. 


  Given   their   educational   levels   it   is   obvious   that   they 


  simply   will   not   have   the  skills   to   make   such   judgments; 


  and further because of low educational levels, the training 


  being provided to them will not develop such skills.


49.The   State   of   Chattisgarh   claims   that   they   are   only 


  employing   those   tribal   youth   who   volunteer   for   such 


  responsibilities. It also claims that many of the youth who 


  are coming forward are motivated to do so because they 



                                                                          56






  or   their   families   have   been   victims   of   Naxal   violence   or 


  want   to   defend   their   hearth   and   home   from   attacks   by 


  Naxals. We simply fail to see how, even assuming that the 


  claims   by   State   of   Chattisgarh   to   be   true,   such   factors 


  would   lessen   the   moral   culpability   of   the   State   of 


  Chattisgarh,   or   make   the   situation   less   problematic   in 


  terms of human rights violations of the youngsters being 


  so appointed as SPOs.


50.First and foremost given that their educational levels are 


  so   low,   we   cannot,   under   any   conditions   of 


  reasonableness,   assume   that   they   even   understand   the 


  implications   of   engaging   in   counter-insurgency   activities 


  bearing   arms,   ostensibly   for   self-defence,   and   being 


  subject to all the disciplinary codes and criminal liabilities 


  that may arise on account of their actions. Under modern 


  jurisprudence,   we   would   have   to   estimate   the   degree   of 


  free   will   and   volition,   with   due   respect   to,   and   in   the 


  context of, the complex concepts they are being expected 


  to   grasp,   including   whether   the   training   they   are   being 


  provided   is   adequate   or   not   for   the   tasks   they   are   to 


  perform.   We   do   not   find   appropriate   conditions   to   infer 


  informed consent by such youngsters being appointed as 


  SPOs.   Consequently   we   will   not   assume   that   these 


  youngsters,   assuming   that   they   are   over   the   age   of 



                                                                         57






  eighteen, have decided to join as SPOs of their own free 


  will and volition.


51.Furthermore,   the   fact   that   many   of   those   youngsters 


  maybe   actuated   by   feelings   of   revenge,   and   reasonably 


  expected   to   have   a   lot   of   anger,   would   militate   against 


  using   such   youngsters   in   counter-insurgency   activities, 


  and entrusted with the responsibilities that they are being 


  expected   to   discharge.   In   the   first   instance,   it   can   be 


  easily appreciated that given the increasing sophistication 


  of   methods   used   by   the   Maoists,   counter-insurgency 


  activities   would   require   a   cool   and   dispassionate   head, 


  and   demeanour   to   be   able   to   analyze   the   current   and 


  future course of actions by them. Feelings of rage, and of 


  hatred   would   hinder   the   development   of   such   a 


  dispassionate   analysis.   Secondly,   it   can   also   be   easily 


  appreciated   that   such   feelings   of   rage,   and   hatred,   can 


  easily make an individual highly suspicious of everyone. If 


  one of the essential tasks of such tribal youth as SPOs is 


  the   identification   of   Maoists,   or   their   sympathizers,   their 


  own   mental   make   up,   in   all   probability   would   or   could 


  affect the degree of accuracy with which they could make 


  such  identification.  Local  enmities,  normal  social  conflict, 


  and even assertion of individuality by others against over-


  bearing   attitude   of   such   SPOs,   could   be   cause   to   brand 


  persons   unrelated   to   Maoist   activities   as   Maoists,   or 



                                                                        58






  Maoist   sympathizers.  This   in   turn  would  almost  certainly 


  vitiate the atmosphere in those villages, lead to situations 


  of   grave   violation   of   human   rights   of   innocent   people, 


  driving even more to take up arms against the state.


52.Many   of   these   tribal   youngsters,   on   account   of   the 


  violence   perpetrated   against   them,   or   their   kith   and   kin 


  and others in the society in which they live, have already 


  been   dehumanized.   To   have   feelings   of   deep   rage,   and 


  hatred, and  to suffer from the same is a continuation  of 


  the condition of dehumanization. The role of a responsible 


  society,   and   those   who   claim   to   be   concerned   of   their 


  welfare,   which   the   State   is   expected   to   under   our 


  Constitution, ought to be one of creating circumstances in 


  which   they   could   come   back   or   at   least   tread   the   path 


  towards   normalcy,   and   a   mitigation   of   their   rage,   hurt, 


  and  desires   for   vengeance.   To  use  such   feelings,  and   to 


  direct   them   into   counter-insurgency   activities,   in   which 


  those youngsters are placed in grave danger of their lives, 


  runs   contrary   to   the   norms   of   a   nurturing   society.   That 


  some misguided policy makers strenuously advocate this 


  as an opportunity to use such dehumanised sensibilities in 


  the fight against Maoists ought to be a matter of gravest 


  constitutional   concerns   and   deserving   of   the   severest 


  constitutional opprobrium.



                                                                         59






53.It   is   abundantly   clear,   from   the   affidavits   submitted   by 


   the State of Chattisgarh, and by the Union of India, that 


   one   of the primary  motives  in  employing  tribal  youth   as 


   SPOs   is   to   make   up   for   the   lack   of   adequate   formal 


   security forces on the ground. The situation, as we have 


   said before, has been created, in large part by the socio-


   economic   policies   followed   by   the   State.   The   policy   of 


   privatization   has   also   meant   that   the   State   has 


   incapacitated   itself,   actually   and   ideologically,   from 


   devoting   adequate   financial   resources   in   building   the 


   capacity   to   control   the   social   unrest   that   has   been 


   unleashed.   To   use   those   tribal   youngsters,   as   SPOs   to 


   participate in counter-insurgency actions against Maoists, 


   even   though   they   do   not   have   the   necessary   levels   of 


   education   and   capacities   to   learn   the   necessary   skills, 


   analytical tools and gain knowledge to engage in the such 


   activities   and   the   dangers   that   they   are   subjected   to, 


   clearly   indicates   that   issues   of   finance   have   overridden 


   other   considerations   such   as   effectiveness   of   such   SPOs 


   and of constitutional values.


54.The   State   of   Chattisgarh   claims   that   in   providing   such 


   "employment"   they   are   creating   livelihoods,   and 


   consequently   promoting   the   values   enshrined   in   Article 


   21.   We   simply   cannot   comprehend   how   involving   ill 


   equipped, barely literate youngsters in counter insurgency 



                                                                            60






  activities,   wherein   their   lives   are   placed   in   danger   could 


  be   conceived   under   the   rubric   of   livelihood.   Such   a 


  conception,   and   the   acts   of   using   such   youngsters   in 


  counter-insurgency   activities,   is   necessarily   revelatory   of 


  disrespect for the lives of the tribal youth, and defiling of 


  their human dignity.


55.It is clear to us, and indeed as asserted by the State of 


  Chattisgarh,   that   these   tribal   youngsters,   appointed   as 


  SPOs, are being given firearms on the ground that SPOs 


  are treated "legally" as full fledged members of the police 


  force,   and   are   expected   to   perform   the   duties,   bear   the 


  liabilities,   and   be   subject   to   the   same   disciplinary   code. 


  These   duties   and   responsibilities   includes   the   duty   of 


  putting their lives on the line. Yet, the Union of India, and 


  the State of Chattisgarh, believe that all that they need to 


  be paid is an "honorarium," and this they claim is a part 


  of their endeavour  to promote livelihoods  amongst  tribal 


  youth, pursuant  to Article  21. We simply fail  to see how 


  Article   14   is   not   violated   in   as   much   as   these   SPOs   are 


  expected   to   perform   all   the   duties   of   police   officers,   be 


  subject   to   all   the   liabilities   and   disciplinary   codes,   as 


  members   of   the   regular   police   force,   and   in   fact   place 


  their lives on the line, plausibly even to a greater extent 


  than the members of the regular security forces, and yet 


  be paid only an "honorarium".



                                                                          61






56.The   appointment   of   these   tribal   youngsters   as   SPOs   to 


   engage   in   counter-insurgency   activities   is   temporary   in 


   nature.   In   fact   the   appointment   for   one   year,   and 


   extendable   only   in   increments   of   a   year   at   a   time,   can 


   only   be   described   as   of   short   duration.   Under   the   new 


   rules, freshly minted by the State of Chattisgarh, they can 


   be   dismissed   by   the   Superintendent   of   Police   without 


   giving any reasons whatsoever. The temporary nature of 


   such   appointments   immediately   raises   serious   concerns. 


   As   acknowledged   by   the   State   of   Chattisgarh,   and   the 


   Union   of   India,   the   Maoist   activities   in   Chattisgarh   have 


   been   going   on   from   1980's,   and   it   seems   have   become 


   more   intense   over   the   past   one   decade.   The   State   of 


   Chattisgarh   also   acknowledges   that   it   has   to   give   fire-


   arms   to   these   tribal   youngsters   appointed   as   SPOs 


   because  they  face  grave danger,  to their  lives,  from the 


   Maoists.   In   fact,   Maoists   are   said   to   kill   even   ordinary 


   civilians   after   branding   them   as   "police   informants". 


   Obviously,   in   such   circumstances,   it   would   only   be 


   reasonable to conclude that  these tribal youth appointed 


   as SPOs, and known to work as informants about who is a 


   Maoist   or   a   Maoist   supporter,   spotters,   guides   and 


   providers   of   terrain   knowledge,   would   become   special 


   targets of the Maoists. The State of Chattisgarh reveals no 


   ideas   as   to   how   it   expects   these   youngsters   to   protect 



                                                                       62






themselves,   or   what   special   protections   it   offers,   after 


serving as SPOs in the counter-insurgency efforts against 


the   Maoists.   Obviously,   these   youngsters   would   have   to 


hand back their firearms to the police upon the expiry of 


their term. This would mean that these youngsters would 


become   sitting   ducks,   to   be   picked   off   by   Maoists   or 


whoever   may   find   them   inconvenient.   The   State   of 


Chattisgarh   has   also   revealed   that   1200   of   SPOs 


appointed   so   far   have   been   dismissed   for   indiscipline   or 


dereliction   of   duties.   That   is   an   extraordinarily   high 


number, given that the total SPOs appointed in the State 


of   Chattisgarh   until   last   year   were   only   3000,   and   the 


number   now   stands   at   6500.   The   fact   that   such 


indiscipline,   or   dereliction   of   duties,   has   been   the   cause 


for dismissal from service of anywhere from 20% to 40% 


of the recruits has to be taken as a clear testimony of the 


fact that the entire selection policies, practices, and in fact 


the   criteria   for   selection   are   themselves   wrong.   The 


consequence   of   continuation   of   such   policies   would   be 


that   an   inordinate   number   of   such   tribal   youth,   after 


becoming marked for death by Maoists/Naxalites the very 


instant they are appointed as SPOs, would be left out in 


the   lurch,   with   their   lives   endangered,   after   their 


temporary appointment as SPOs is over.



                                                                            63






57.The   above   cannot   be   treated   as   idle   speculations.   The 


   very   facts   and   circumstances   revealed   by   the   State   of 


   Chattisgarh   leads   us   to   the   above   as   an   inescapable 


   conclusion. However, this tragic story does not end here 


   either.   It   begins   to   get   far   worse,   because   it   implicates 


   grave danger to the social fabric in those regions in which 


   these   SPOs   are   engaged   to   work   in   anti-Maoist   counter 


   insurgency activities.


58.We   specifically,   and   repeatedly,   asked   the   State   of 


   Chattisgarh,   and   the   Union   of   India   as   to   how,   and   in 


   what manner they would take back the firearms given to 


   thousands   of   youngsters.   No   answer   has   been   given   so 


   far. If force is used to collect such firearms back, without 


   those   youngsters   being   given   a   credible   answer   with 


   respect to their questions regarding their safety, in terms 


   of  their  lives,   after  their   appointment  ends,   it   is   entirely 


   conceivable that those youngsters refuse to return them. 


   Consequently,   we   would   then   have   a   large   number   of 


   armed   youngsters,   running   scared   for   their   lives,   and   in 


   violation   of   the   law.   It   is   entirely   conceivable   that   they 


   would   then   turn   against   the   State,   or   at   least   defend 


   themselves   using   those   firearms,   against   the   security 


   forces   themselves;   and   for   their   livelihood,   and 


   subsistence,   they   could   become   roving   groups   of   armed 



                                                                           64






   men   endangering   the   society,   and   the   people   in   those 


   areas, as a third front. 


59.Given   the   number   of   civil   society   groups,   and   human 


   rights   activists,   who   have   repeatedly   been   claiming   that 


   the   appointment   of   tribal   youths   as   SPOs,   sometimes 


   called Koya Commandos, or the Salwa Judum, has led to 


   increasing human rights violations, and further given that 


   NHRC   itself   has   found   that   many   instances   of   looting, 


   arson, and violence can be attributed to the SPOs and the 


   security   forces,   we   cannot   but   apprehend   that   such 


   incidents are on account of the lack of control, and in fact 


   the   lack   of   ability   and   moral   authority   to   control,   the 


   activities of the SPOs. The appointment of tribal youth as 


   SPOs, who are barely literate, for temporary periods, and 


   armed with firearms, has endangered and will necessarily 


   endanger the human rights of others in the society.


60.In   light  of  the   above,   we   hold   that   both   Article   21   and 


   Article 14 of the Constitution of India have been violated, 


   and   will   continue   to   be   violated,   by   the   appointment   of 


   tribal youth,  with very little education,  as SPOs engaged 


   in   counter-insurgency   activities.   The   lack   of   adequate 


   prior   education   incapacitates   them   with   respect   to 


   acquisition   of   skills,   knowledge   and   analytical   tools   to 


   function   effectively   as   SPOs   engaged   in   any   manner   in 


   counter-insurgency activities against the Maoists.



                                                                           65






61.Article 14 is violated because subjecting such youngsters 


  to the same levels of dangers as members of the regular 


  force   who   have   better   educational   backgrounds,   receive 


  better   training,   and   because   of   better   educational 


  backgrounds   possess   a   better   capacity   to   benefit   from 


  training that is appropriate for the duties to be performed 


  in counter insurgency activities, would be to treat unequal 


  as equals. Moreover, in as much as such youngsters, with 


  such   low   educational   qualifications   and   the   consequent 


  scholastic   inabilities   to  benefit   from   appropriate   training, 


  can   also   not   be   expected   to   be   effective   in   engaging   in 


  counter-insurgency   activities,   the   policy   of   employing 


  such   youngsters   as   SPOs  engaged   in   counter-insurgency 


  activities is irrational, arbitrary and capricious.




62. Article   21   is   violated   because,   notwithstanding   the 




  claimed   volition   on   the   part   of   these   youngsters   to 


  appointment   as   SPOs   engaged   in   counter-insurgency 


  activities,   youngsters   with   such   low   educational 


  qualifications   cannot   be   expected   to   understand   the 


  dangers that they are likely to face, the skills needed to 


  face such dangers, and the requirements of the necessary 


  judgment while discharging such responsibilities. Further, 


  because   of  their   low   levels   of  educational   achievements, 


  they   will   also   not   be   in   a   position   to   benefit   from   an 


  appropriately   designed   training   program,   that   is 



                                                                                66






    commensurate   with   the   kinds   of   duties,   liabilities, 


    disciplinary code and dangers that they face, to their lives 


    and health. Consequently, appointing such youngsters as 


    SPOs   with   duties,   that   would   involve   any   counter-


    insurgency   activities   against   the   Maoists,   even   if   it   were 


    claimed   that   they   have   been   put   through   rigorous 


    training, would be to endanger their lives.  This Court has 


    observed in  Olga Tellis v. Bombay Muncipal Corporation10 


    that:








        "   "Life",   as   observed   by   Field   J.,   in   Munn   v.   Illinois  


        means   something   more   than   mere   animal   existence,  


        and   the   inhibition   against   the   deprivation   of   life  


        extends to all those limits and faculties by which life is  


        enjoyed." 




63.Certainly,   within   the   ambit   of   all   those   "limits   and 


    faculties   by   which   life   is   enjoyed"   also   lies   respect   for 


    dignity   of   a   human   being,   irrespective   of   whether   he   or 


    she is poor, illiterate, less educated, and less capable of 


    exercising   proper   choice.   The   State,   has   been   found   to 


    have   the   positive   obligation,   pursuant   to   Article   21,   to 


    necessarily   undertake   those   steps   that   would   enhance 


    human dignity, and enable the individual to lead a life of 


    at   least   some   dignity.   The   Preamble   of   our   Constitution 


    affirms as the goal of our nation, the promotion of human 


    dignity.   The   actions   of   the   State,   in   appointing   barely 


10 (1985) 3 SCC 545



                                                                         67






  literate   youngsters,   as   SPOs   engaged   in   counter-


  insurgency   activities,   of   any   kind,   against   the   Maoists, 


  who   are   incapable,   on   account   of   low   educational 


  achievements,   of   learning   all   the   skills,   knowledge   and 


  analytical   tools   to   perform   such   a   role,   and   thereby 


  endangering   their   lives,   is   necessarily   a   denigration   of 


  their dignity as human beings.


64.To employ such ill equipped youngsters as SPOs engaged 


  in   counterinsurgency   activities,   including   the   tasks   of 


  identifying Maoists and non-Maoists, and equipping them 


  with   firearms,   would   endanger   the   lives   of  others   in   the 


  society. That would be a violation of Article 21 rights of a 


  vast number of people in the society.


65.That they are paid only an "honorarium", and appointed 


  only for temporary periods, are further violations of Article 


  14 and Article 21.   We have already discussed above, as 


  to how payment of honorarium to these youngsters, even 


  though they are expected to perform the all of the duties 


  of   regular   police   officers,   and   place   themselves   in 


  dangerous   situations,   equal   to   or   even   worse   than   what 


  regular police officers face, would be a violation of Article 


  14. To pay only an honorarium to those youngsters, even 


  though they place themselves in equal danger, and in fact 


  even more, than regular police officers, is to denigrate the 


  value  of their lives. It can only be justified by a cynical, 



                                                                          68






   and   indeed   an   inhuman   attitude,   that   places   little   or   no 


   value on the lives of such youngsters. Further, given the 


   poverty of those youngsters, and the feelings of rage, and 


   desire  for  revenge that  many  suffer  from,  on  account  of 


   their   previous   victimization,   in   a   brutal   social   order,   to 


   engage   them   in   activities   that   endanger   their   lives,   and 


   exploit   their   dehumanized   sensibilities,   is   to   violate   the 


   dignity of human life, and humanity. 


66.It has also been analysed above as to how the temporary 


   nature   of   employment   of   these   youngsters,   as   SPOs 


   engaged   in   counter-insurgency   activities   of   any   kind, 


   endangers   their   lives,   subjects   them   to   dangers   from 


   Maoists even after they have been disengaged from duties 


   of   such   appointment,   and   further   places   the   entire 


   society, and individuals and groups in the society, at risk. 


   They are all clearly violations of Article 21.


67.It   is   in   light   of   the   above,   that   we   proceed   to   pass 


   appropriate   orders.   However,   there   are   a   few   important 


   matters that we necessarily have to address ourselves to 


   at this stage. This necessity arises on account of the fact 


   that   the   State   of   Chattisgarh,   and   the   Union   of   India, 


   claim that employing such youngsters as SPOs engaged in 


   counter-insurgency   activities   is   vital,   and   necessary   to 


   provide security to the people affected by Maoist violence, 


   and to fight the threat of Maoist extremism.



                                                                          69








68. Indeed,   we   recognize   that   the   State   faces   many   serious 




    problems   on   account   of   Maoist/Naxalite   violence. 


    Notwithstanding   the   fact   that   there   may   be   social   and 


    economic  circumstances,  and certain policies followed by 


    the   State   itself,   leading   to   emergence   of   extremist 


    violence, we cannot condone it. The attempt to overthrow 


    the State itself and kill its agents, and perpetrate violence 


    against innocent civilians, is destructive of an ordered life. 


    The   State   necessarily   has   the   obligation,   moral   and 


    constitutional,   to   combat   such   extremism,   and   provide 


    security   to   the   people   of   the   country.   This,   as   we 


    explained   is   a   primordial   necessity.   When   the   judiciary 


    strikes down state policies, designed to combat terrorism 


    and   extremism,   we   do   not   seek   to   interfere   in   security 


    considerations,  for which the expertise and  responsibility 


    lie   with   the   executive,   directed   and   controlled   by   the 


    legislature.  Judiciary  intervenes   in  such   matters   in   order 


    to   safeguard   constitutional   values   and   goals,   and 


    fundamental   rights   such   as   equality,   and   right   to   life. 


    Indeed,   such   expertise   and   responsibilities   vest   in   the 


    judiciary. In a recent judgment by a constitutional bench, 


    G.V.K Industries v. ITO11 this Court observed:








        "Our   Constitution   charges   the   various   organs   of   the  


        state  with  affirmative  responsibilities  of protecting the  




11  (2011) 4 SCC 36



                                                                            70






      interests   of,   the   welfare   of   and   the   security   of   the  


      nation....   powers   are   granted   to   enable   the  


      accomplishment of the goals of the nation. The powers  


      of   judicial   review   are   granted   in   order   to   ensure   that  


      such power is being used within the bounds specified in  


      the Constitution. Consequently, it is imperative that the  


      powers   so   granted   to   various   organs   of   the   state   are  


      not restricted impermissibly by judicial fiat such that it  


      leads to inabilities of the organs of the government in  


      discharging their constitutional responsibilities. Powers  


      that have been granted, and implied by, and borne by  


      the   Constitutional   text   have   to   be   perforce   admitted.  


      Nevertheless,   the   very   essence   of   constitutionalism   is  


      also  that  no  organ   of the  state  may  arrogate  to  itself  


      powers   beyond   what   is   specified   in   the   Constitution.  


      Walking   on   that   razors   edge   is   the   duty   of   the  


      judiciary.   Judicial   restraint   is   necessary   in  


      dealing   with   the   powers   of   another   coordinate  


      branch   of   the   government;   but   restraint   cannot  


      imply   abdication   of   the   responsibility   of   walking  


      on that edge."




69.As we heard the instant matters, we were acutely aware 


   of the need to walk on that razors edge. In arriving at the 


   conclusions   we   have,   we   were   guided   by   the   facts,   and 


   constitutional values. The primordial value is that it is the 


   responsibility   of   every   organ   of   the   State   to   function 


   within   the   four   corners   of   constitutional   responsibility. 


   That is the ultimate rule of law.




70. It   is   true   that   terrorism   and/or   extremism   plagues   many 




   countries,   and   India,   unfortunately   and   tragically,   has 


   been   subject   to   it   for   many   decades.   The   fight   against 


   terrorism   and/or   extremism   cannot   be   effectuated   by 



                                                                                                      71






    constitutional   democracies   by   whatever   means   that   are 


    deemed to be efficient. Efficiency is not the sole arbiter of 


    all values, and goals that constitutional democracies seek 


    to   be   guided   by,   and   achieve.   Means   which   may   be 


    deemed   to   be   efficient   in   combating   some   immediate   or 


    specific   problem,   may   cause   damage   to   other 


    constitutional goals, and indeed may also be detrimental 


    to the quest to solve the issues that led to the problems 


    themselves.   Consequently,   all   efficient   means,   if   indeed 


    they   are   efficient,   are   not   legal   means,   supported   by 


    constitutional   frameworks.   As   Aharon   Barak,   the   former 


    President of the Supreme Court of Israel, while discussing 


    the war on terrorism, wrote in his opinion in the case of 


    Almadani v. Ministry of Defense12 opinion:






         "....This   combat   is   not   taking   place   in   a   normative  


         void.... The saying, "When the canons roar, the Muses  


         are silent," is incorrect. Cicero's aphorism that laws are  


         silent  during  war  does  not  reflect  modern  reality.  The  


         foundations   of   this   approach   is   not   only   pragmatic  


         consequence   of   a   political   and   normative   reality.   Its  


         roots   lie   much   deeper.   It   is   an   expression   of   the  


         difference   between   a   democratic   state   fighting   for   its  


         life and the aggression of terrorists rising up against it.  


         The   state   fights   in   the   name   of   the   law,   and   in   the  


         name of upholding the law. The terrorists fight against  


         the law, and exploit its violation. The war against terror  


         is also the law's war against those who rise up against  


         it."




12 H.C. 3451/02, 56(3) P.D., also cited in Aharon Barak: "The Judge in a Democracy" (Princeton University 


Press, 2003).



                                                                         72










71. As  we remarked  earlier,   the   fight  against  Maoist/Naxalite 




  violence   cannot   be   conducted   purely   as   a   mere   law   and 


  order   problem   to   be   confronted   by   whatever   means   the 


  State can muster. The primordial problem lies deep within 


  the   socio-economic   policies   pursued   by   the   State   on   a 


  society   that   was   already   endemically,   and   horrifically, 


  suffering  from  gross inequalities.  Consequently,  the fight 


  against   Maoists/Naxalites   is   no   less   a   fight   for   moral, 


  constitutional   and   legal   authority   over   the   minds   and 


  hearts   of   our   people.   Our   constitution   provides   the 


  gridlines  within   which   the  State  is   to  act,   both   to assert 


  such   authority,   and   also   to   initiate,   nurture   and   sustain 


  such   authority.   To   transgress   those   gridlines   is   to   act 


  unlawfully, imperiling the moral and legal authority of the 


  State   and   the   Constitution.   We,   in   this   Court,   are   not 


  unaware   of   the   gravity   that   extremist   activities   pose   to 


  the citizens, and to the State. However, our Constitution, 


  encoding eons of human wisdom, also warns us that ends 


  do not justify all means, and that an essential and integral 


  part   of   the   ends   to   which   the   collective   power   of   the 


  people   may   be   used   to   achieve   has   to   necessarily   keep 


  the   means   of   exercise   of   State   power   within   check   and 


  constitutional   bounds.   To   act   otherwise   is   to   act 


  unlawfully,   and   as   Philip   Bobbitt   warns,   in   "Terror   and 



                                                                         73






    Consent - The Wars for the Twenty First Century"13, "if we 


    act   lawlessly,   we   throw   away   the   gains   of   effective 


    action." Laws cannot remain silent when the canon's roar.


72.The response of law, to unlawful activities such as those 


    indulged in by extremists, especially where they find their 


    genesis in social disaffection on account of socio-economic 


    and   political   conditions   has   to   be   rational   within   the 


    borders   of   constitutional   permissibility.   This   necessarily 


    implies   a   two-fold   path:   (i)   undertaking   all   those 


    necessary   socially,   economically   and   politically   remedial 


    policies  that  lessen  social  disaffection  giving  rise to such 


    extremist violence; and (ii) developing a well trained, and 


    professional   law   enforcement   capacities   and   forces   that 


    function within the limits of constitutional action.


73.The creation of a cadre like groups of SPOs, temporarily 


    employed and paid an honorarium, out of uneducated or 


    undereducated   tribal   youth,   many   of   who   are   also 


    informed   by   feelings   of   rage,   hatred   and   a   desire   for 


    revenge, to combat Maoist/Naxalite activities runs counter 


    to both those prescriptions. We have dealt with the same 


    extensively   hereinabove.   We   need   to   add   one   more 


    necessary   observation.   It   is   obvious   that   the   State   is 


    using   the   engagement   of   SPOs,   on   allegedly   temporary 


    basis   and   by   paying   "honoraria",   to   overcome   the 


    shortages   and   shortcomings   of   currently   available 


13 Penguin Books (Allen Lane) (2008).



                                                                         74






   capacities and forces within the formal policing structures. 


   The need itself is clearly a long-run need. Consequently, 


   such   actions   of   the   State   may   be   an   abdication   of 


   constitutional   responsibilities   to   provide   appropriate 


   security   to   citizens,   by   having   an   appropriately   trained 


   professional   police   force   of   sufficient   numbers   and 


   properly   equipped   on   a   permanent   basis.   These   are 


   essential   state   functions,   and   cannot   be   divested   or 


   discharged through the creation of temporary cadres with 


   varying degrees of state control. They necessarily have to 


   be   delivered   by   forces   that   are   and   personnel   who   are 


   completely   under  the   control   of  the   State,  permanent   in 


   nature, and appropriately trained to discharge their duties 


   within the four corners of constitutional permissibility. The 


   conditions of employment of such personnel also have to 


   hew   to   constitutional   limitations.   The   instant   matters,   in 


   the   case   of   SPOs   in   Chattisgarh,   represent   an   extreme 


   form of transgression of constitutional boundaries.


74.Both   the   Union   of   India,   and   the   State   of   Chattisgarh, 


   have sought to rationalize the use of SPOs in Chattisgarh, 


   in   the   mode   and   manner   discussed   at   length   above,   on 


   the   ground   that   they   are   effective   in   combating 


   Maoist/Naxalite activities and violence, and that they are 


   "force  multipliers."  As  we   have  pointed  out  hereinabove, 


   the   adverse   effects   on   society,   both   current   and 



                                                                        75






prospective, are horrific. Such policies by the State violate 


both Article 14 and Article 21, of those being employed as 


SPOs   in   Chattisgarh   and   used   in   counter-insurgency 


measures against Maoists/Naxalites, as well as of citizenry 


living in those areas. The effectiveness of the force ought 


not   to   be,   and   cannot   be,   the   sole   yardstick   to   judge 


constitutional   permissibility.   Whether   SPOs   have   been 


"effective" against Maoist/Naxalite activities in Chattisgarh 


it   would   seem   to   be   a   dubious,   if   not   a   debunked, 


proposition given the state of affairs in Chattisgarh. Even 


if we were to grant, for the sake of argument, that indeed 


the   SPOs   were   effective   against   Maoists/Naxalites,   the 


doubtful   gains   are   accruing   only   by   the   incurrence   of   a 


massive loss of fealty to the Constitution, and damage to 


the social  order.   The   "force" as  claimed  by the State, in 


the   instant   matters,   is   inexorably   leading   to   the   loss   of 


the   force   of   the   Constitution.   Constitutional   fealty   does 


not, cannot and ought not to permit either the use of such 


a force or its multiplication. Constitutional propriety is not 


a   matter   of   throwing   around   arbitrarily   selected,   and 


inanely   used,   phrases   such   as   "force   multipliers." 


Constitutional   adjudication,   and   protection   of   civil 


liberties, by this Court is a far, far more sacred a duty to 


be swayed by such arguments and justifications.



                                                                      76






Order:








75.We order that:








    (i)      The State of Chattisgarh immediately cease and 


             desist from using SPOs in any manner or form 


             in any activities, directly or indirectly, aimed at 


             controlling,   countering,   mitigating   or   otherwise 


             eliminating   Maoist/Naxalite   activities   in   the 


             State of Chattisgarh;


    (ii)     The   Union   of   India   to   cease   and   desist, 


             forthwith,   from   using   any   of   its   funds   in 


             supporting, directly or indirectly the recruitment 


             of   SPOs   for   the   purposes   of   engaging   in   any 


             form   of   counter-insurgency   activities   against 


             Maoist/Naxalite groups;


    (iii)    The   State   of   Chattisgarh   shall   forthwith   make 


             every effort to recall all firearms issued to any 


             of   the   SPOs,   whether   current   or   former,   along 


             with any and all accoutrements and accessories 


             issued   to   use   such   firearms.   The   word   firearm 


             as used shall include any and all forms of guns, 


             rifles, launchers etc., of whatever caliber;


    (iv)     The   State   of   Chattisgarh   shall   forthwith   make 


             arrangements   to   provide   appropriate   security, 



                                                                                77






               and undertake such measures as are necessary, 


               and         within         bounds         of         constitutional 


               permissibility, to protect the lives of those who 


               had been employed as SPOs previously, or who 


               had been given any initial orders of selection or 


               appointment, from any and all forces, including 


               but not limited to Maoists/Naxalites; and


      (v)      The   State   of   Chattisgarh   shall   take   all 


               appropriate  measures  to prevent  the  operation 


               of any group, including but not limited to Salwa 


               Judum   and   Koya   Commandos,   that   in   any 


               manner   or   form   seek   to   take   law   into   private 


               hands,   act   unconstitutionally   or   otherwise 


               violate   the   human   rights   of   any   person.   The 


               measures   to   be   taken   by   the   State   of 


               Chattisgarh shall include, but not be limited to, 


               investigation of all previously inappropriately or 


               incompletely   investigated   instances   of   alleged 


               criminal   activities   of   Salwa   Judum,   or   those 


               popularly known as Koya Commandos, filing of 


               appropriate FIR's and diligent prosecution.








76.In   addition   to   the   above,   we   hold   that   appointment   of 


   SPOs   to   perform   any   of   the   duties   of   regular   police 


   officers,   other   than   those   specified   in   Section   23(1)(h) 



                                                                        78






   and Section 23(1)(i) of Chattisgarh Police Act, 2007, to be 


   unconstitutional.   We   further   hold   that   tribal   youth,   who 


   had   been   previously   engaged   as   SPOs   in   counter-


   insurgency   activities,   in   whatever   form,   against 


   Maoists/Naxalites   may   be   employed   as   SPOs   to   perform 


   duties   limited   to   those   enumerated   in   Sections   23(1)(h) 


   and   23(1)(i)   of   CPA   2007,   provided   that   they   have   not 


   engaged in any activities, whether as a part of their duties 


   as   SPOs   engaged   in   any   form   of   counter-insurgency 


   activities   against   Maoists/Naxalites,   and   Left   Wing 


   Extremism or in their own individual or private capacities, 


   that may be deemed to be violations of human rights of 


   other individuals  or violations  of any disciplinary code or 


   criminal laws that they were lawfully subject to. 








                                   IV




Matters relating to allegations by Swami Agnivesh, 


and alleged incidents in March 2011.




77.We   now   turn   our   attention   to   the   allegations   made   by 


   Swami Agnivesh, with regard to the incidents of violence 


   perpetrated   against   and   in   the   villages   of   Morpalli, 


   Tadmetla   and   Timmapuram,   as   well   as   incidents   of 


   violence allegedly perpetrated by people, including SPOs, 


   Koya   Commandos,   and/or   members   of   Salwa   Judum, 


   against Swami Agnivesh and others travelling with him in 



                                                                                 79






   March   2011   to   provide   humanitarian   aid   to   victims   of 


   violence in the said villages.




78. In   this   regard   we   note   the   affidavit   filed   by   the   State   of 




   Chattisgarh   in   response   to   the   above.   We   note   with 


   dismay that the affidavit appears to be nothing more than 


   an attempt at self-justification  and rationalization, rather 


   than   an   acknowledgment   of   the   constitutional 


   responsibility to take such instances of violence seriously. 


   The   affidavit   of   the   State   of   Chattisgarh   is   itself   an 


   admission that violent incidents had occurred in the above 


   named three villages, and also that incidents of violence 


   had   been   perpetrated   by   various   people   against   Swami 


   Agnivesh and his companions. We note that the State of 


   Chattisgarh   has   offered   to   constitute   an   inquiry 


   commission, headed by a sitting or a retired judge of the 


   High   Court.   However,   we   are   of   the   opinion   that   these 


   measures   are   inadequate,   and   given   the   situation   in 


   Chattisgarh,   as   extensively   discussed   by   us,   unlikely   to 


   lead  to  any  satisfactory   result   under   the  law.   This   Court 


   had   previously   noted   that   inquiry   commissions,   such   as 


   the one offered by the State of Chattisgarh, may at best 


   lead   to   prevention   of   such   incidents   in   the   future.   They 


   however   do   not   fulfill   the   requirement   of   the   law:   that 


   crimes   against   citizens   be   fully   investigated   and   those 


   engaging   in   criminal   activities   be   punished   by   law.   (See 



                                                                             80






    Sanjiv Kumar v State of Haryana14  Consequently, we are 


    constrained to order as below.








Order:








79.We   order   the   Central   Bureau   of   Investigation   to 


    immediately   take   over   the   investigation   of,   and   taking 


    appropriate   legal   actions   against   all   individuals 


    responsible for:








        (i)            The   incidents   of   violence   alleged   to   have 


                       occurred,  in  March  2011,  in  the  three  villages, 


                       Morpalli, Tadmetla and Timmapuram, all located 


                       in   the   Dantewada   District   or   its   neighboring 


                       areas;








        (ii)           The  incidents   of  violence  alleged  to  have   been 


                       committed   against   Swami   Agnivesh,   and   his 


                       companions,   during   their   visit   to   State   of 


                       Chattisgarh in March 2011.






80.We further direct the Central Bureau of Investigation to 


    submit its preliminary status report within six weeks from 


    today. 








14 (2005) 5 SCC 517



                                                                        81






      We also further direct, the State of Chattisgarh and the 


Union of India, to submit compliance reports with respect to 


all   the  orders   and  directions   issued   today  within   six   weeks 


from today.








81.List for further directions in the first week of September 




   2011.




                                 


                              -----------------------------------J.


                              [B.SUDERSHAN REDDY ]










                                ---------------------------------J.


                                [SURINDER SINGH NIJJAR]


New Delhi,


July 5, 2011

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